Te drejtat e njeriut dhe realiteti EU-Ballkan

Nga Taulant Malaj, MDY

Politika ballkanike, dhe per rrjedhoje edhe banoret e ketij rajoni te Europes, jane perfshire ditet e fundit ne nje mori deklaratash qe vine nga zyrat e Bashkimit Europian. Maratona e gjate ne te cilen keto vende kane marre pjese me synim anetaresimin ne bllokun e vendeve te zhvilluara te kontinentit “plake” u ka dhene mundesine shume figurave politike qe per arsye te interesave te tyre te ngushta ne politke te spekullojne me ato qe thuhen.

Nder vendet qe aspirojne te hyne ne EU persa i perket perkrahjes popullore, Shqiperia ze vendin e pare nderkohe llogaritjet mbi standartet e percaktuara per nje anetaresim te tille ka me teper se 10 vjet qe thuhet se nuk jane plotesuar. Ndersa ky konstatim ka nje doze te larte realiteti per shkak te paaftesise se klases politike shqiptare per te permbushur standartet e zhvillimit demokratik, anetaresimi i disa vendeve qe i perkisnin bllokut ish-socialist tregoi se “standartet” kane te EUjne me interesat strategjike qe vendet e EU kane ne raport me keto vende.

Shqiperia ne menyre te vazhdueshme eshte kritikuar per nivelin e larte te korrupsionit, krimit dhe papergjeshmerise politike. Te gjitha keto qendrojne dhe eshte koha qe te gjithe klasa politike te kuptoje se ka ardhur koha te shikojne nga elektorati qe I ka mEUshtetur gjate ketyre 15 viteve, kohe ne te cilen shume politikane qe ngrene zerin perballe kamerave kane arritur te krijojne monopole ekonomike, te sigurojne mbrojtje per grupe kriminale dhe si rrjedhim te ngrene perandori ekonomike qe investojne edhe ne vendet e EU. Por sa te vlefshme jane keto kritika, dhe a eshte e drejte qe 3 milion shqiptare te privohen nga te drejtat themeltare te njeriut te cilat jane te parapara edhe ne dokumentat me te rendesishme qe qeverite perendimore synojne ti aplikojne ne Lindjen e Mesme, nje rajon qe mesa duket nuk do ti aplikoje?

Bazuar ne Nenin 13 te Deklarates Universale te te Drejtave te Njeriut : Cdokush ka te drejtene levizjes dhe te qendrimit brenda kufinjve te secilit shtet. Cdokush ka te drejte te largohet nga cdo shtet, perfshire edhe shtetin e vet, dhe te kthehet ne vendin e vet”. Eshte e kuptueshme qe nje levizje e tille ndodh me mirekuptimin dhe marerveshjet ndermjet shteteve. Kjo do te thote se shtetet duhet tu mundesojne shtetasve cdo element qe siguron te drejten e levizjes se lire. Ajo qe shqipetaret kerkojne eshte thjesht te trajtohen sic do banor I EUropes, kontinent te cilit Shqiperia i dha ndihmen e saj mbase modeste gjate historise ( kontributi i dhene ne luften kunder perhapjes se perandorise turke, pjesmarrja ne luften e Spanjes, kontributi kunder fashizmit dhe Gjermanise naziste etc) dhe qe ne fakt mori vetem padrejtesi (ndarja e tokave shqiptare).

Ajo qe Brukseli pretendon eshte e drejte: pse duhet te merremi dhe ti shtojme vetes probleme duke anetaresuar ne vend qeverite e te cilit nuk duan te luftojne kriminalitetin dhe korrupsionin, nje vend qeverite e te cilit jane ne sherbim te krimit te organizuar dhe jo te qytetareve te cileve u kerkohet vota me investime te rreme?! E drejte, por a kane shume kontrast qeverite e Sofjes, Shkupit, EUogradit apo Podgorices? Niveli I korrupsionit ne Bullgari ishte aq I madh saqe vitin e kaluar vendet anetare te Bashkimit EUropian kercenuan Sofjen se nese nuk lufton sic duhet korrupsionin atehere do te perballet me sanksione te cilat pervec ekonomike mund te ishin edhe politike deri ne nxjerrjen jashte Unionit. E gjitha kjo po ndodhte ne nje vend qe eshte anetar i EU. Kjo tregon qe korrupsioni dhe krimi i organizuar jane pjese e EU ne vetvete. Atehere pse arsyetohet Brukseli me nivelin e larte te korrupsionit dhe krimit te organizuar ne Shqiperi nderkohe qe Italia njihet boterisht si vendi ne te cilin Mafia nuk blen qeverite sepse eshte qeveria vete?!

E gjitha kjo panorame tregon se anetaresimi ne EU nuk ka te EUje me permbushje standartesh por ka te EUje me deshiren e bazuar ne interesa gjeostrategjike qe vendet e EU kane ne rajon dhe ndaj vendeve te caktuara. Shkupi ka probleme etnike dhe nese nuk lejohet levizja e lire me EU atehere rrezikon shperEUrjen nga presionet e brendeshme (gje te cilen shqiptaret nuk e pranuan kur u propozua nga Akademia e Shkencave e Maqedonise), Podgorica eshte kthyer ne nje oaze investimi per ruset dhe kjo perEUn rrezik per perhapjen e hegjemonise ruse ne rajon, EUogradi duke qene kryeqyteti me I madh I rajonit dhe duke pasur parasysh problemin e Kosoves I ofrohet mundesia e levizjes se lire si barazpeshe megjithese te tre vendet e permenduar me lart e kane gezuar nje status te tille gjate viteve te qeverisjes se Titos.

Ajo qe eshte shqetesuese mEUtet fakti se Shqiperia, Bosnja dhe Kosova jane vendet te cilat zyrtaret e Bashkimit Europian I referohen si grupi i dyte. Ne fakt bazuar edhe ne raportimin e “Lajmifundit” shihet se Shqiperia eshte ne nivelet e 30 perqindeshit ne shkallen e percaktuar per permbushjen e standarteve. Paveresisht asaj qe qeverite propagandojne nder vite dhe “punes se tyre” duket sikur standartet ndryshojne cdo dite duke u EUret e veshtira saqe te mos arrihen.

Nje tjeter element eshte fakti se te tre vendet e lena ne grupin e dyte kane nje karakteristike qe vendet e tjera te Europes nuk e kane: perqindja e larte EUsimtareve muslimane. Ne fakt te tre keto vende jane me shumice muslimane bazuar ne te dhenat zyrtare. Duke qene se korrupsioni dhe reformat nuk ishin problem per Bullgarine te anetaresohej ne EU, apo per Shkupin ti ofrohet mundesia e levizjes se lire apo EUogradit si hartues dhe zbatues I krimeve qe tronditen boten dhe shkaterruan nocionin e jetes per miliona ne Ballkan, atehere a mos valle EU nuk do te anetaresoje Shqiperine, Bosnjen apo edhe Kosoven per shkak te shumices muslimane qe mbizoteron popullsite e tyre?

A NEW BEGINNING

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
ON A NEW BEGINNING
Cairo University
Cairo, Egypt
June 4, 2009
1:10 P.M. (Local)

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you very much. Good afternoon. I am honored
to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning; and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum. (Applause.)
We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the
world -- tension rooted historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and
cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.

Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of
Muslims. The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these
extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view
Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.
So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who
sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.

I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims
around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon
the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition.
Instead, they overlap, and share common principles -- principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.
I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. I know there's been a lot of
publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." (Applause.) That is what I will try to do today -- to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.
Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I'm a Christian, but my
father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I
spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and
at the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many
found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.
As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam -- at places like Al-Azhar -- that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities -- (applause) -- it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality. (Applause.)
I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to
recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers -- Thomas Jefferson -- kept in his personal library. (Applause.)
So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and
Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my
responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear. (Applause.)
But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. (Applause.) Just
as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a selfinterested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words -- within our borders, and around the world.
We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a
simple concept: E pluribus unum -- "Out of many, one."

Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name Barack
Hussein Obama could be elected President. (Applause.) But my personal story is not so
unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in
America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores -- and that includes nearly
7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and
educational levels that are higher than the American average. (Applause.)
Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion.
That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within
our borders. That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the
right of women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny it.
(Applause.)
So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds
within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share
common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with
dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share.
This is the hope of all humanity.
Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words
alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly
in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our
failure to meet them will hurt us all.
For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one
country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are
at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all
nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are
endangered across an ocean. When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that
is a stain on our collective conscience. (Applause.) That is what it means to share this
world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human
beings.
And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a
record of nations and tribes -- and, yes, religions -- subjugating one another in pursuit of
their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our
interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over
another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners
to it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; our progress must be shared.
(Applause.)
Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the
opposite: We must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as
clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally
confront together.
The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.
In Ankara, I made clear that America is not -- and never will be -- at war with Islam.
(Applause.) We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave
threat to our security -- because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject:
the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to
protect the American people.
The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work
together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with
broad international support. We did not go by choice; we went because of necessity. I'm
aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11. But
let us be clear: Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were
innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done
nothing to harm anybody. And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people,
claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive
scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These
are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.
Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We see no
military -- we seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young
men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would
gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were
not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many
Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.
And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries. And despite the costs
involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate
these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of
different faiths -- but more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are
irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam.
The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as -- it is as if he has killed all
mankind. (Applause.) And the Holy Koran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if
he has saved all mankind. (Applause.) The enduring faith of over a billion people is so
much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in
combating violent extremism -- it is an important part of promoting peace.
Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in
Afghanistan and Pakistan. That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the
next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and
businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced. That's why we
are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver
services that people depend on.
Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that
provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that
the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also
believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build
international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. (Applause.) Indeed,
we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will
grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be."
Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future -- and to
leave Iraq to Iraqis. And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people -- (applause) -- I have
made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory
or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. And that's why I ordered the removal of our
combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's
democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July,
and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012. (Applause.) We will help Iraq train
its security forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq
as a partner, and never as a patron.
And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never
alter or forget our principles. Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country. The
fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act
contrary to our traditions and our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change
course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I
have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year. (Applause.)
So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law.
And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened.
The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the
sooner we will all be safer.
The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between
Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.
America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based
upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish
homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.
Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in
Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald,
which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and
gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed -- more than the entire
Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is
hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction -- or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews --
is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of
memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people -- Muslims and
Christians -- have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than 60 years they've
endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza,
and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to
lead. They endure the daily humiliations -- large and small -- that come with occupation.
So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. And
America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity,
opportunity, and a state of their own. (Applause.)
For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations,
each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It's easy to point fingers --
for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for
Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its
borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other,
then we will be blind to the truth: The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides
to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and
security. (Applause.)
That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest.
And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and
dedication that the task requires. (Applause.) The obligations -- the obligations that the
parties have agreed to under the road map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for
them -- and all of us -- to live up to our responsibilities.
Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong
and it does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the
whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full
and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center
of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to
South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that
violence is a dead end. It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at
sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That's not how moral authority is
claimed; that's how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian
Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its
people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to
recognize they have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to
unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past
agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist.
At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be
denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of
continued Israeli settlements. (Applause.) This construction violates previous
agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to
stop. (Applause.)
And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work
and develop their society. Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing
humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing
lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people
must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable
such progress.
And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an
important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict
should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems.
Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the
institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose
progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.
America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public
what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. (Applause.) We cannot
impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away.
Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act
on what everyone knows to be true.
Too many tears have been shed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a
responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see
their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the
place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home
for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to
mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra -- (applause) -- as in the story of Isra,
when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer. (Applause.)
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of
nations on nuclear weapons.
This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic
Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my
country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold
War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian
government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostagetaking
and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather
than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my
country is prepared to move forward. The question now is not what Iran is against, but
rather what future it wants to build.
I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with
courage, rectitude, and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two
countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of
mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons,
we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It's about
preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the
world down a hugely dangerous path.
I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No
single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons. And that's
why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations
hold nuclear weapons. (Applause.) And any nation -- including Iran -- should have the
right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the
nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it
must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region
can share in this goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy. (Applause.)
I know -- I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent
years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear:
No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other.
That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the
people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions
of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as
we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an
unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind
and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal
administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the
people; the freedom to live as you choose. These are not just American ideas; they are
human rights. And that is why we will support them everywhere. (Applause.)
Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear:
Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure.
Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of
all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree
with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments -- provided they
govern with respect for all their people.
This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only
when they're out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of
others. (Applause.) So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by
the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your
power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and
participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your
people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without
these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. (Applause.) The fifth issue that we must address
together is religious freedom.
Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and
Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout
Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we
need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based
upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul. This tolerance is essential for
religion to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways.
Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the
rejection of somebody else's faith. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld --
whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. (Applause.) And if we are
being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions
between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.
Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always
examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on
charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation.
That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can
fulfill zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from
practicing religion as they see fit -- for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim
woman should wear. We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence
of liberalism.
In fact, faith should bring us together. And that's why we're forging service projects in
America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That's why we welcome
efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in
the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith
service, so bridges between peoples lead to action -- whether it is combating malaria in
Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.
The sixth issue -- the sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights. (Applause.) I
know –- I know -- and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about
this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her
hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is
denied equality. (Applause.) And it is no coincidence that countries where women are
well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.
Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for
Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim-majority
countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues
in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.
I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons.
(Applause.) Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity -- men
and women -- to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the
same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live
their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. And that is why the United
States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for
girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps
people live their dreams. (Applause.)
Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.
I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and
television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and
mindless violence into the home. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also
huge disruptions and change in communities. In all nations -- including America -- this
change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we lose control over our economic
choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities -- those things we most cherish
about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradictions
between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their
economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the
astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In
ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of
innovation and education.
And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what
comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work.
Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are
beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that
education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century -- (applause) -- and in too many Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in these areas. I'm
emphasizing such investment within my own country. And while America in the past has
focused on oil and gas when it comes to this part of the world, we now seek a broader
engagement.
On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America. (Applause.) At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a young person in Kansas can
communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.
On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner
with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on
Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.
On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological
development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs. We'll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, grow new crops. Today I'm announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.
All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.

The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek -- a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together.
I know there are many -- Muslim and non-Muslim -- who question whether we can forge
this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort -- that we are fated to
disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There's so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the
years. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I
want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country -- you, more than anyone, have the ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world.
All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we
spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an
effort -- a sustained effort -- to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.
It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's easier to blame others than to look inward.
It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion -- that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.
(Applause.) This truth transcends nations and peoples -- a belief that isn't new; that isn't
black or white or brown; that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.

The Holy Koran tells us: "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we
have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another."
The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."
The Holy Bible tells us: "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." (Applause.)
The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now
that must be our work here on Earth.
Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. Thank you very much. Thank you.
(Applause.)

Analysis: Is Europe facing a threat from the right?

STORY HIGHLIGHTS
The latest of these five-yearly contests could see a record low turnout
Many may use European election as a protest vote to punish their government
Some fear this could benefit far right parties such as UK's anti-immigration BNP
Voting for European Parliament takes place between June 4 and June 7

May 24, 2009
By Robin Oakley
CNN Political Contributor

LONDON, England (CNN) -- Does trans-national democracy work? Or is Europe about to see a wave of new Far Right politicians and mavericks marching from obscurity to national prominence thanks to an election most voters are neglecting? Between June 4 and June 7 it could happen. British PM Gordon Brown's Labour Party is at a historic low in the opinion polls.

Since the first European Parliament election was held in 1979 the Parliament has grown significantly in power. But the more power it gets, the less interest voters seem to take in its proceedings.
The latest "Euro barometer" poll found that only a third of Europe's potential electors intended to make use of their vote in a contest stretch from Portugal in the west to Romania in the east, with voting from June 4-7.
Campaigning is increasing attention but there is a danger that in the latest five-yearly contest the turnout will be a record low, beneath even the 45 percent of voters who turned out in 2004 -- back in 1979 it was 62 percent.
And yet the Parliament which will be elected could have more effect on the daily lives of European citizens than most of their national parliaments ever do.
The problem with the European Parliament is that although it produces many of the laws which are then processed through national parliaments, most of those who bother to vote in its elections do so for reasons of national politics. The Parliament works largely on a coalition basis, making the left-right divide is less obvious than in national assemblies.
Because they are not electing a government many feel free to indulge in a "protest vote" and use the European contest to punish political parties which have become unpopular in their own countries.

The make-up of the next European Parliament could have a significant effect on immigration laws, environmental regulations, job promotion and the regulation of market economies. But voters won't really see those policy choices reflected in the campaigning. With elections dominated by national party labels, few will feel a sense of involvement with an individual politician -- only those in countries with "open" proportional representation (PR) systems which allow citizens to choose between different candidates from the same party is there much campaigning on personal records by higher profile candidates.
Political commentators tend to look less at the policies which might be espoused by a dominant center right or center left in the elected Parliament, or the effect if a significant number of Greens were to be elected, than at what the results tell us about the popularity of national governments.
This time around there will be particular interest in what happens in the European Parliament elections in Germany, where Christian Democrat Chancellor Angela Merkel and her uneasy Grand Coalition partners from the Social Democrats under Vice Chancellor Frank-Walter Steenmeier will soon be facing each other in a General Election, probably in September.

The economic recession has put a huge strain on the German coalition which looks unviable in the longer term. One significant marker from the European contest will be the performance of the upwardly-mobile and anti-capitalist Left Party which looks likely to benefit from disillusion with more established parties. And that could be part of a wider pattern.

In France the opposition Socialists are encouraging voters to treat the European election as a poll on President Sarkozy's record so far in the Elysee Palace. The European results will be seen as a test for the new Socialist leader Martine Aubry. But with the French tradition of street politics and the continuing appeal of radical traditions, there will be much interest in the performance of the Far Left New Anti capitalist Party led by Marxist postman Olivier Besancenot.
In Bulgaria, where the country is preoccupied with crime and energy security issues, the election will be a dress rehearsal for a General Election due on July 5. Much the same applies in the Czech Republic, where the center-right government of Mirek Topolankek has been replaced by an interim administration after losing a vote of confidence.

Urban rioting over the economic crisis has imperiled the ruling conservative New Democracy Party in Greece, which has only a single seat majority and the socialists of Pasok will be looking for progress there.
Home questions will dominate in Britain, where Prime Minister Gordon Brown's Labour Party is at a historic low in the opinion polls but where the main opposition party, the Conservatives led by David Cameron, have also been badly tainted by the disclosures about expenses scams operated by large numbers of Members of the Westminster Parliament.
Members of both main parties, and the Liberal Democrats, have been openly admitting their fears that voters' revulsion at the expenses spectacle and a national mood of "a plague on all your houses" will benefit fringe parties like the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and the Far Right anti-immigration British National Party (BNP).

Former Europe Minister Denis MacShane said: "It was the Greens in 1989, UKIP in 2004 so perhaps in 2009 it will be the BNP." Harriet Harman, Labour's deputy leader, said: "There is a real prospect that the British National Party, with the racism and division they represent, could benefit if there is a low turn-out."
Neither UKIP nor the BNP has any members in the national Parliament at Westminster but UKIP benefited strongly from a protest vote at the European Parliament elections in 2004, taking third place with 16 per cent of the vote and securing twelve seats. UKIP, however, may not be best placed to benefit from the Parliamentary expenses row. One of its elected members was convicted and jailed for benefit fraud, another is facing charges over European Parliament expenses and its leader Nigel Farage has admitted he has collected some $3 million in expenses during his time at the Parliament, claiming that he used it to benefit the party's cause.
BNP leader Nick Griffin says his party will threaten "tired, corrupt old politicians." As a campaign slogan he insists "not all immigrants are terrorists but all terrorists are immigrants or their immediate descendants."

In Italy Premier Silvio Berlusconi has formed yet another new party coalition -- People of Freedom (PdL) -- merging his Forza Italia with the post-fascist Allianza Nationale of Gianfranco Fini. Immigration and the controversy over the treatment of its Roma population is likely to figure in the campaign. Italian government measures like the fingerprinting of Roma have been criticized in the European Parliament. But the opposition Democrats do not seem to be achieving much traction in the European contest.

If protest politics are a key theme in this election it could show up in Sweden where the new Pirate Party is said to have won the support of huge numbers of young people. They are angry at the imprisonment in April in a copyright case of four Swedes who ran the file-sharing Web site Pirate Bay.
A particularly tight contest seems likely in Poland where polls show the governing center-right (PO) party of Prime Minister Donald Tusk running level with the conservative Law and Justice (PiS). Electors are not much interested though with only 17 percent of Poles saying they are likely to vote.

Former Solidarity leader Lech Walesa has ruffled some feathers by attending the congress of Libertas, a pan-European Eurosceptic party which played a major part in the Irish referendum rejection of the Lisbon Treaty. The performance of Libertas, dominated by the telecoms millionaire Declan Ganley will be crucial in Ireland where the focus is on the collapse of the Celtic tiger economy under the Fianna Fail government of Brian Cowen.
Leaders across the rest of Europe are hoping that the Irish government will regain enough ground to hold another referendum on the Lisbon Treaty this autumn with a different result, enabling the new European constitution to be put in place. A bad defeat for the government party and a good result for Libertas could put paid to those hopes and send Europe's constitutionalists back to the drawing board.

Presidenti Sejdiu dekoroi dëshmorët Ilir Konushevcin dhe Hazir Malaj

Presidenti Sejdiu vlerësoi lart kontributin e dëshmorëve, të cilët dhanë me të shtrenjtën për Kosovën, jetën e tyre.

Besnik Boletini

Prishtinë, 12 maj

Në njëmbëdhjetëvjetorin e rënies së luftëtarëve të UÇK-së Iliri Konushevci dhe Hazir Malaj, u mbajt një akademi përkujtimore, ku ishin të pranishëm presidenti i Republikës së Kosovës Fatmir Sejdiu, kryeministri Hashim Thaçi, ministra, deputetë, liderë të partive politike, familjarë, bashkëluftëtarë dhe njerëz të jetës politike e kulturore. Të pranishmit i përshëndeti presidenti i Kosovës Fatmir Sejdiu, i cili foli për kontributin e Ilir Konushevcit dhe Hazir Malajt, si dhe rëndësinë e të gjithë dëshmorëve që flijuan jetën për lirinë dhe pavarësinë e Kosovës. Presidenti Sejdiu vlerësoi lart kontributin e dëshmorëve, të cilët dhanë me të shtrenjtën për Kosovën, jetën e tyre. Me këtë rast ai dekoroi të dy dëshmorët e luftës Iliri Konushevcin dhe Hazir Malaj.

Të pranishmit i përshëndeti edhe kryetari i AAK-së Ramush Haradinaj, i cili foli për veprimtarinë e Ilir Konushevcit, si dhe për kontributin e tij në përgatitjen dhe aftësimin e njësive të UÇK-së. Në emër të familjes Konushevci dhe Malaj, foli Artan Konushevci, vëllai i dëshmorit Ilir Konushevci.


Fjala e Presidentit Sejdiu në akademinë përkujtimore për Ilir Konushevcin dhe Hazir Malajn


E nderuara familje Konushevci, E nderuara familje Malaj, I nderuari z.kryeministër Thaçi Të nderuar bashkëluftëtarë e familjarë të Ilir Konushevcit dhe të Hazir Malajt, Të nderuar përfaqësues të institucioneve të Republikës së Kosovës, ministra dhe deputetë, Të nderuar udhëheqës të partive politike,


Të nderuar ambasadorë dhe përfaqësues të misioneve ndërkombëtare në Kosovë, Zonja dhe zotërinj,

I. Të nderosh luftëtarët e lirisë, dëshmorët e kombit, në çdo përvjetor të tyre, është më shumë se përkujtim për jetën dhe veprën e tyre veç e veç: është kujtesë për vlerat kombëtare. Shteti që kujton dhe respekton të kaluarën e vet më të mirë, e ka të sigurt ardhmërinë në gjirin e kombeve të lira të botës. Ky tubim përkujtimor na përkujton edhe një herë se sa e dhimbshme dhe njëkohësisht sa e rëndë e sa e vështirë ka qenë përpjekja dhe lufta e gjatë për liri e popullit të Kosovës. Dhe pikërisht kjo përpjekje dhe luftë e vazhdueshme, në situatën e rëndë të shtypjes e të vuajtjeve në shekullin që lamë pas, ka qenë pika që ka bashkuar të gjithë shqiptarët e Kosovës.

Me besimin e plotë te liria dhe e drejta e popullit shqiptar të Kosovës për të qenë Zot në shtetin e vet, atdheut iu bënë fli shumë burra të mëdhenj. Lufta e fundit i futi në këtë radhë edhe luftëtarin e madh e strategun Ilir Konushevci dhe mjekun trim nga Tropoja, Hazir Malaj, të cilët u shfaqën ndër figurat më të mëdha të kësaj lufte, krahas Adem Jasharit, Zahir Pajazitit, Agim Ramadanit, Sali Çekajt e shumë e shumë të tjerëve.

Figurat e të gjithë atyre që iu bënë themel shtetit tonë të ri, Republikës së Kosovës, janë përjetësuar sot dhe kanë zënë vend në kujtesën e kombit, janë bërë pjesë e historisë sonë të re, pjesë e kujtimit që ndonjëherë edhe mund të na ligështojë, por që gjithmonë na jep forcë që të mos ndalemi asnjëherë së ndërtuari, së përparuari dhe së ruajturi shtetin që u krijua mbi kaq shumë sakrifica.

II. Të nderuar pjesëmarrës të kësaj akademie përkujtimore

Vitin e kaluar, në dhjetëvjetorin e rënies së Heroit të Kosovës, Ilir Konushevci dhe dr. Hazir Malajt, Republika e Kosovës kishte pak muaj që kishte shpallur pavarësinë e saj dhe ishte njohur e pranuar si shtet nga fuqitë më të mëdha, shtetet më me ndikim në botë.

Sot, realitetin e ri në hartën e Evropës dhe të botës e kanë pranuar 58 vende. Shtete të tjera e kanë paralajmëruar njohjen e Republikës së Kosovës. Të ngarkuarit me punë të Republikës së Kosovës ka muaj që janë vendosur në dhjetë shtete dhe ata po bëjnë një punë shumë të mirë në funksionalizimin e misioneve diplomatike të Republikës së Kosovës dhe në kontaktet me vendet mikpritëse e me përfaqësues misionesh të vendeve të ndryshme. Janë në zhvillim e sipër edhe procedurat për emërimin e ambasadorëve në këto shtete dhe në tetë ambasadat e tjera që do të hapen së shpejti, sikur që do të hapen edhe nëntë misione konsullore.

Muajin e ardhshëm do të shënojmë edhe njëvjetorin e hyrjes në fuqi të Kushtetutës së Republikës së Kosovës, një datë kjo shumë e rëndësishme në historinë e re të Republikës së Kosovës, pasi nga 15 qershori 2008, Kosova qeveriset me ligjet e veta, të cilat e kanë bazën në Kushtetutën e vendit, dokument që përmbledh në vete aspiratat e popullit të Kosovës dhe vullnetin e tij politik.

E mbështetur nga miqtë, nga shtetet më të përparuara të botës, Republika e Kosovës po zhvillohet nga dita në ditë në një shtet modern, shumetnik, i të gjithë qytetarëve të saj, me synim të qartë integrimin sa më të shpejtë në Bashkimin Evropian dhe në NATO, me miqësi të përhershme me Shtetet e Bashkuara të Amerikës dhe të gjitha shtetet mike e përkrahëse të Republikës së Kosovës dhe synimit të saj properëndimor.

Në këtë plan, një lajm shumë i mirë është anëtarësimi i Republikës së Kosovës në Fondin Monetar Ndërkombëtar, një institucion ky shumë i fuqishëm, anëtarësim i cili hap një faqe të re në rrugën e zhvillimit ekonomik të vendit dhe të mirëqenies së qytetarëve tanë. Ky anëtarësim, gjithashtu, i hap rrugë anëtarësimit të Republikës së Kosovës edhe në institucione të tjera ndërkombëtare. Me këtë rast, falënderojmë të gjitha shtetet që votuan pro anëtarësimit të Kosovës në këtë institucion, ndër të cilat janë edhe një numër i madh shtetesh që ende zyrtarisht nuk e kanë pranuar Republikën e Kosovës. Ky gjest i tyre, kjo votë e tyre, është e një rëndësie të veçantë për ne, një shenjë se edhe shtetet që nuk e kanë njohur Republikën e Kosovës, po e përparojnë qëndrimin e tyre drejt pranimit të realitetit të ri, shtetit të Kosovës.

III. Të nderuar pjesëmarrës

Vepra e madhe dhe sakrifica sublime e dëshmorëve të kombit është një udhërrëfyes për çdo veprim të institucioneve tona. Kujtimi për ta do të ketë kuptimin e plotë vetëm nëse Republika e Kosovës, ëndrra dhe synimi i tyre kulmor, do të zhvillohet ashtu siç e kanë dëshiruar ata dhe ashtu siç e synojmë ne, vazhduesit e projektit për shtetin e ri, që synon zhvillimin dhe ecjen krah me botën e përparuar. Në këtë kontekst, Republika e Kosovës synon ruajtjen dhe zhvillimin e marrëdhënieve dhe bashkëpunimit të mirë me të gjitha shtetet fqinje. Kemi marrëdhënieve shumë të mira me Shqipërinë, Maqedoninë dhe Malin e Zi, të cilat edhe e kanë njohur Republikën e Kosovës. Besojmë që me kohë edhe fqinji ynë tjetër, Serbia, do të bindet se nuk mund të shkohet përpara duke e mohuar realitetin. Ju e dini se unë kam hedhur idenë e lëvizjes së lirë të qytetarëve të vendeve tona, drejt krijimit të një mini-Shengeni ballkanik. Kjo ide me kohë po gjen mbështetjen edhe te fqinjët dhe nuk do të jetë e largët dita kur qytetarët tanë do të lëvizin nga njëri shtet në tjetrin pa pasaporta. Projekte të tjera drejt integrimeve janë gjithashtu në vlugun e zhvillimit. Rruga Durrës-Prishtinë, një ide e hedhur kahmoti nga Presidenti Ibrahim Rugova dhe e përkrahur dhe e zhvilluar nga institucionet e Shqipërisë, lirisht mund të them, një ëndërr gjithëshqiptare, po bëhet realitet. Po shkurtohen udhët e gjata dhe orët e tëra të udhëtimeve, ndërsa me Portin e Shëngjinit, që Qeveria e Shqipërisë e ka vënë në dispozicion të Kosovës, zhvillimi i gjithëmbarshëm i shtetit tonë do të njohë të tjera trende.

Dhe në fund, më lejoni të theksoj se institucionet e Republikës së Kosovës, shteti për lirinë e të cilit u flijuan edhe Iliri, Haziri e shumë trima të kohës, dhe të cilin ne të gjallët do ta ruajmë si sytë e ballit, do të kujdeset për të vlerësuar e nderuar përgjithmonë të gjithë ata që u flijuan në misionin e shenjtë të lirisë e pavarësisë së tij.

Figurat e mëdha të kombit bëhen pika referimi në gjithë ecjen dhe zhvillimin tonë. Ato na bëjnë të kthehemi shpesh prapa, të shohim lavdinë e tyre dhe të nderojmë të gjithë ata që me luftën e tyre, me sakrificat iu kundërvunë të keqes së madhe që na pllakosi fundshekullin e shkuar. I tillë pa asnjë dyshim është emri, jeta dhe lufta e Ilir Konushevcit e Hazir Malajt e gjithë të tjerët. Ndaj dhe unë, si President i vendit, bazuar në kompetenca që kam, e kam dekoruar atë me Urdhrin “Hero i Kosovës”, një dekoratë që do të shërbejë si një nderim i madh për Ilirin dhe për të gjithë ata luftëtarë e atdhetarë të dalluar, që, duke dhënë më të shtrenjtën, jetën e tyre, për lirinë e Kosovës, u bënë pjesë e pandashme e kujtimit tonë për të shkuarën dhe udhërrëfyes e pikë referimi për të sotmen dhe të ardhmen.

Po kështu, kam marrë vendim që dr.Hazir Malajn ta dekoroj me Medaljen e Artë “Luftëtari i Lirisë, Adem Jashari”. Këto medalje do t’i ndajmë në një ceremoni të veçantë që do të organizohet për heronjtë dhe dëshmorët e kombit. I përjetshëm qoftë kujtimi për të gjithë ata që dhanë jetën për lirinë dhe pavarësinë e Kosovës! Ju faleminderit!

Marre nga "Gazeta Bota Sot"

Serb Integration in Kosovo: Taking the Plunge

Pristina/Brussels, 12 May 2009: A major effort is needed to persuade the Serbian minority that it has a future in Kosovo if the new state is to solidify its controversial independence.

Serb Integration in Kosovo: Taking the Plunge,* the latest International Crisis Group report, argues that such integration is an important challenge for the year-old state. The Pristina government should do more to emphasise to Kosovo Serbs – few of whom deal with state bodies – the benefits of dialogue and cooperation. There is a real opportunity now that Belgrade’s strategy to undermine independent Kosovo by supporting parallel institutions both to prevent Serbs’ exodus and to isolate them from Kosovo structures is having only limited success.
“Belgrade’s approach has become more difficult to sustain because its budget is under strain from the global economic crisis, and the parallel institutions it has set up for Serbs in Kosovo are rife with corruption”, says Srdjan Djeric, Crisis Group’s Balkans Analyst. “Belgrade has been paying salary supplements for public-sector workers, as an inducement for them remain in Kosovo, but it has been forced to cut back, thus reducing its leverage and control. This is an opportunity for the Pristina government”
The policy of opposing all engagement retains support among Serbs north of the Ibar River but has proved unrealistic for those living in the south’s smaller enclaves, who have found there is no choice but to deal with Albanian society around them. Despite Belgrade’s boycott call, increasing numbers of Serbs are beginning to engage pragmatically with Kosovo institutions, relying on them for services, applying for official documents and accepting Kosovo salaries.
Kosovo’s best opportunity to further the integration of its Serb minority is to implement a comprehensive decentralisation plan like that recommended before independence by the UN Secretary-General’s special envoy, Martti Ahtisaari. It would create new Serb-majority municipalities with enhanced autonomy in education, healthcare and culture that could maintain close ties with Serbia. But for this approach to have a chance of gaining Serb acceptance, Pristina needs to avoid burdening it with rhetoric on Kosovo’s independence.
The U.S., EU and others should support this approach by encouraging dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina on matters affecting Kosovo Serbs. The EU in particular must use the leverage it has due to Serbia’s desire to advance its membership prospects to insist Belgrade end support for the parallel structures and not hinder the integration of Kosovo Serbs.
“There is no easy way to address Serb objections to dealing with Kosovo institutions”, warns Sabine Freizer, Crisis Group’s Europe Program Director. “Everything should be done to encourage integration especially locally, where Serbs’ real daily problems can be addressed more effectively if a transparent, accountable decentralisation system is put in place”.

About the author of this report:
The International Crisis Group (Crisis Group) is an independent, non-profit, non-governmental organisation covering some 60 crisis-affected countries and territories across four continents, working through field-based analysis and high-level advocacy to prevent and resolve deadly conflict.

Obama's First 100 Days: The Good, The Bad, and the Geithner

Has it been only 100 days since Barack Obama took the oath of office? Actually, it's only been 98, but sometimes 100 days feels like more than 100 days. This is one of those times. Obama's first 100 days have been among the most eventful in history.

Arianna Huffington

So how's it going?

According to the American people, pretty damn good. Not only does 69 percent of the public approve of the job Obama is doing, but last week, for the first time since January 2004, more Americans felt the country is headed in the right direction than in the wrong direction (48 percent to 44 percent). Remarkably, this "right direction" number has been steadily rising even as the economy has been steadily falling.

In his Grant Park acceptance speech on election night, the newly elected president warned that "the road ahead will be long," and "our climb will be steep." But his poll numbers are a vindication of the idea that, with the right leadership, Americans are mature enough to heed those words and not expect immediate results.

So any list of the most impressive achievements of Obama's first 100 days should start with the intangible qualities of transformational leadership --- from the president's personal equanimity (which Robert Reich described as "the serene center of the cyclone -- exuding calm when most Americans are petrified") to his masterful use of the bully pulpit.

In just his first 100 days, Obama has had almost as many prime time press conferences as George Bush did in his entire first term. And it's not just press conferences. Obama's willingness to speak directly to the American people -- in town halls around the country, on YouTube, on Leno, on ESPN, etc -- and to engage with them by answering questions online and reading ten letters a day from the public, is a powerful reminder that the White House isn't a privatized bubble or underground bunker off limits to the people.

He's also offered tone setters that are a useful reminder that the president is more than just the country's chief executive -- that he and the First Lady are also potentially the country's chief teachers. They've already taught the country a lot of lessons -- about what we eat and how we eat by planting an organic vegetable garden at the White House, and about commitment to family through their relationship with their daughters and by having the First Granny move into the White House to help Sasha and Malia settle into their new lives.

Now to the more tangible aspects of his presidency. Let's start with the pluses:

The stimulus package. It wasn't big or bold enough, and it suffered from the malodorous scent of Eau de Congressional Business as Usual, but the speed and focus with which it was passed showed how serious Obama was about pulling America out of its economic free-fall. And how competent his team was at hitting the ground running. Plus, it taught the new president an important lesson about the limits of bipartisanship for the sake of bipartisanship.
Passing and signing the national service bill. Not so long ago, a call for sacrifice meant asking people to go shopping or take a trip to Disney World. Creating a system in which more people can feel as if they're true stakeholders in their communities will not only produce physical benefits -- it will help repair America's moral infrastructure as well. And their answering of the call will be additional proof that Americans have been waiting for a leader to ask more of them.
Reversing course on stem cells. It was a clear statement about the return of the reality-based world. As Obama put it when he signed the order "It is about ensuring that scientific data is never distorted or concealed to serve a political agenda, and that we make scientific decisions based on facts, not ideology."
A progressive budget. Healthcare, provisions to tackle rising economic inequality, a more rational defense budget, tax cuts for all but the very wealthy -- as David Leonhardt of the New York Times wrote, Obama's budget is "nothing less than an attempt to end a three-decade era of economic policy dominated by the ideas of Ronald Reagan and his supporters."
Foreign Relations. From granting his first presidential interview to Al-Arabiya TV to loosening the embargo on Cuba to hanging an open sign on the State Department, Obama has signaled that the bellicose days of antagonism as our default foreign policy position are over. And his decision to close Guantanamo also sent the right message to the world.
The rescue of Captain Richard Phillips of the Maersk Alabama. Blowing away fears of a sea-faring Black Hawk Down, Obama's restrained behind-the-scenes handling of the volatile hostage situation demonstrated that the new commander-in-chief is not afraid to pull the trigger when an American life is on the line. Bonus points for causing the Limbaugh-Hannity worldview about Democrats being nothing but bleeding hearts to shift on its axis.

A solid run of pluses. Now for the minuses:

The bank bailout. In his appointments at almost every agency, Obama has demonstrated a desire to receive a wide range of opinion. But the exception is a doozy: at Treasury, the range of opinion goes all the way from Goldman to Sachs. Several hundred billion dollars later, the banks still aren't lending, the zombies are still on their feet, preferred shareholders are still being catered to, the knowledge of where our money has gone is spotty at best, and oversight and transparency remain unfulfilled promises. The Obama White House's vision for the rescue remains startlingly myopic. The result is the continued funneling of hundreds of billions of taxpayer dollars to the very people who got us into the mess we are in -- with very little accountability demanded in return. The biggest black mark on Obama's first 100 days is his head-scratching reliance on the bank-centric beliefs of Larry Summers and Tim Geithner.
Afghanistan. Obama has committed 21,000 more troops to Afghanistan but as many, including Obama himself, have noted, there is no exclusively military solution to Afghanistan. What's more, unlike with Guantanamo, Obama has adopted Bush's policies regarding the enemy prisoners being held at Bagram Air Force Base in Afghanistan.
Torture accountability. Obama has said he wants to look forward and not back, and it's reasonable for him to not want his agenda sidetracked by torture commissions and investigations. But the way we respond to the revelations about the Bush administration's use of torture isn't merely a question of policy; it a question of morality. The minute the president starts framing the issue as a matter of right vs wrong, his choices will be clear. Because if there is one thing Obama cannot afford to abandon it's the moral high ground. And he can trust the American public to walk and chew gum at the same time -- to be able to support a national health care plan, a new energy plan, the reforming of our education system, and at the same time support accountability for those who undercut our fundamental values.
Sensible gun control. Despite a recent run of deadly gun rampages and an appeal from the president of Mexico, whose country is paying a heavy price for bought-in-America guns, Obama has chosen the path of political expediency and turned his back on his campaign promise to reinstate a ban on assault weapons.

For the last eight years, we suffered from the soft bigotry of low presidential expectations. Taken as a whole, Obama's first 100 days have been an inspiring change from a White House that expected as little from us as it did from itself.

The road ahead is indeed going to be long and steep. But at least we're on the right road.

Welcome Albania

Published: April 28 2009 19:39 | Last updated: April 28 2009 19:39


With the European Union buffeted by economic crisis, constitutional arguments and worries about relations with Russia, it would be easy for its leaders to overlook the formal EU membership bid from little Albania. Easy but wrong. The Union’s eastward enlargement is among its greatest successes; it must be enhanced by embracing the fragile states of the western Balkans, including Albania.

Tirana’s move comes just days after EU states accepted an entry application from neighbouring Monte negro. Albania may have to wait a few months for a go-ahead as Brussels will quite rightly wish to see that the June parliamentary election takes place in line with EU standards. But barring mishaps both countries should soon begin the arduous business of multi-year entry negotiations.

All this is welcome: Brussels must keep enlargement moving at a time when it faces serious obstacles.

Turkey and Croatia, the two countries now in membership talks, have run into difficulties. With Turkey, there is a fundamental lack of EU political will that has generated disenchantment in Ankara. With Croatia, the main problem is a petty border dispute with Slovenia, over which Ljubljana is needlessly blocking Zagreb’s progress.

The four remaining western Balkans territories – Serbia, Bosnia, Macedonia and Kosovo – all face challenges before they can even start entry talks. Serbia must capture Ratko Mladic, the Bosnian Serb wartime general wanted for genocide; Bosnia must show greater cohesion among its divided ethnic communities; Macedonia must settle a name dispute with Greece; and Kosovo must win greater recognition of its independence.

All the would-be members, not least Albania, must also do more to fight crime and corruption. It will not be easy – but it would be even harder without EU membership prospects.

Meanwhile, the EU must put its house in order. The Lisbon treaty must win approval in the repeat Irish referendum this year. Otherwise, there will be no legal room for new entrants, except Croatia. The EU should also generate more public backing for the Balkan enlargement. It must be sold as a modest rounding-out of the 2004-07 enlargement, as it brings in states already surrounded by EU members.

It is a hard sell in an economic crisis. But it should not be impossible. The western Balkans have since the Yugoslav wars been largely the EU’s responsibility. Preparing the region for accession is the only rational way of finishing the job of securing its peace and prosperity.

Source: Financial Times

Vendime te pavarura?!

Ne nje dite te premte e cila per shume shqiptare konsiderohet si dita e lutjeve dhe amsherimit, Kosova u “ripushtua” nga presidenti i nje vendi fqinj I cili nuk arrin ta kuptoje se Kosova eshte shtet I pavarur dhe neutral ne zhvillimet rajonale. Packa se vizita e Zotit Tadic ishte nje element te cilin bashkesia nderkombetare duhet ta konsideroje ndersa vlerereson emancipimin e klases politike kosovare, dhe aq me teper ne kohen kur palet kane dorezuar materialet e tyre pro dhe kunder pavaresise ne Gjykaten Nderkombetare, eshte intersante menyra e ndjekur nga drejtuesi I shtetit Serb ne marrjen e lejes per te vizituar Manastirin e Decanit.

Me 17 Shkurt 2008 Kosova shpalli pavaresine e cila eshte njohur tashme nga vendet kryesore te hemisferes perendimore. Nje gje e tile duhet ti tregoje jo vetem Beogradit por edhe Prishtines se marrdheniet mes tyre duhet te kanalizohen drejt rrugeve diplomatike te drejtperdrejta dhe jo nepermes ndermjetesve. Jetojme ne 2009, qe do te thote se kemi kaluar 10 vjet nga koha e konfliktit te armatosur dhe eksodit biblik te kosovareve drejt vendeve fqinje ne perpjekje per te shpetuar jetet.

Menyra qe zgjodhi Beogradi, duke iu drejtuar perfaqesuesve te Bashkimit Europian ne Beograd, anashkaloi ne menyre te plote atoritetin e Qeverise se Kosoves. Ndonese kryemininistri Thaci nuk ishte present ne Kosove, do te ishte e rruges qe qeveria e Kosoves te filloje te sillet si qeveri e cila ka kontroll mbi Kosoven dhe qe ka autoritet eksluziv mbi vizitat qe politikane rajonale mund te bejne ne Kosove. Cili do te qe reagimi I Beogradit nese Sejdiu, Thaci, Topi ose Berisha do te vizitonin Presheven, Bujanovcin apo Medvegjen dhe do te shpreheshin se sillnin “mesazhe paqeje per serbet dhe shqiptaret ne luginen shqiptare”?

Qeveria e Kosoves duhet ti tregoje Beogradit sikurse edhe Bashkimit Europian se eshte ne gjendje te marre vendime duke mbrojtur interesat e shtetatsve te vet sikurse esht ne gjendje te punoje dhe kontribuoje ne stabilitetin europian. Gjykata Nderkombetare, sikurse edhe vendet te cilat po diskutojne njohjen e pavaresise se Kosoves jane te vemendeshme ne menyren se si autoritetet kosovare I realizojne obligimet e tyre kushtetuese ne mbrojtje te lirive dhe te drejtave te shtetasve te vet, sikunder I kushtojne vemendje aftesise se qeverise te ndermarre vendime ne menyre te pavarur nga presionet.

Populli shqiptar ka nje shprehje te vjeter e cila ka gjetur domethenien e vet ne kohe te ndryshme te realitetit historik “ Ujku qimen e nderron, por zakonin s’e harron”. Ne kete contest pse duhet te ndihemi te befasuar qe Presidenti Serb Tadic u shpreh per Kosoven pjese e Serbise? Duke lejuar, qofte edhe nen presion nje vizite te rangut te tille, qeveria e Prishtines I dha nje argument me teper nacionalizmit ballkanik per te vazhduar “luften” e tyre kunder paqes dhe mirkuptimit rajonal. Vizita te tilla duhet te konsiderohen ndihmese te bashkepunimit dhe menaxhimit te konfliktit por jo ndersa palet u bien kembaneve te ndryshme. Eshte koha qe qeveria e Kosoves ti tregoje botes se eshte e zonja e vetes. UNMIK dhe perfaqesuesi special per Kosoven nuk kane me forcen e ndryshimit te vendimeve qe mbrojne sigurine dhe te ardhmen e popullit Kosovar pavaresisht perkatesive etnike.

Eshte interesante se cfare nenkupton Kryeministri Thaci kur shprehet se "vizita e Tadic ne Kosove eshte interes shteteror per Kosoven". Mos valle kryeminsitri mendon se deklarata qe Tadic beri ne Decan mund te perdoret ne ICJ per te treguar se Serbia akoma eshte ushqyese e nacionalizmave ballkanik? Kryeministri mund te kete ca te drejte ne kete aspekt, por problemie eshte se i duhet "mbushur mendja" ligjerisht panelit te gjykatesve nderkombetare qe Kosova eshte tashme nje realitet i cili duhet te jete juridik sic eshte faktikisht. Politikanet kosovare, ose sic preferojne te thirren, duhet te kuptojne se sahanlepirja ishte profesion kur ishte ndersa tani duhet qe te behen guzhiniere te vetvetes.

Taulant Malaj, MDY
New York

Death squad leader ‘was top CIA agent’

SERBIA: Gabriel Ronay

THE LATE President Milosevic's secret police chief and organiser of Serb death squads during the genocidal ethnic cleansing of disintegrating Yugoslavia was the United States' top CIA agent in Belgrade, according to the independent Belgrade Radio B92.

The claim that from 1992 until the end of the decade, Jovica Stanisic, head of Serbia's murderous DB Secret Police, was regularly informing his CIA handlers of the thinking in Milosevic's inner circle has shocked the region.

Stanisic is said to have loyally served his two masters for eight years. He is facing war crimes charges at the International Criminal Court at The Hague.


In the terrifying years of Yugoslavia's internecine wars, he acted as the willing "muscle" behind Milosevic's genocidal campaigns in Croatia, Kosovo and Bosnia, including Sebrenica.

According to the charges he faces, Stanisic was "part of a joint criminal enterprise that included former Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic and other Serbian politicians".

Dermot Groome, The Hague's chief prosecutor, has specifically accused him of sending in the Serb Scorpion and Red Beret death squads into the states seeking independence from Belgrade. Stanisic has pleaded not guilty.

Like in a Cold War spy thriller, Serbia's secret police chief met his CIA handlers in safe houses, parks and boats on the river Sava to betray his master's action plans. He provided, it is claimed, information on the whereabouts of Nato hostages, aided CIA operatives in their search for Muslim mass graves and helped the US set up secret bases in Bosnia to monitor the implementation of the 1995 Dayton peace accord.

This has raised awkward questions for Washington. With Stanisic providing chapter and verse of the genocidal slaughter of Croats, Bosnians and Albanians from the early 1990s, should President Clinton have cut a deal with Milosevic at Dayton, Ohio, ending the Bosnian war on such equitable terms for the Serbs? Or, using Stanisic's evidence, should the Americans not have unmasked Milosevic and Radovan Karadzic, the then head of Republika Srpska, as genocidal war criminals and demanded their surrender?

From his prison cell at The Hague, Stanisic countered the charges facing him with an aide memoir portraying himself as "a person who had sought to moderate Milosevic and had done a great deal to moderate the crisis".

In an unusual move, the CIA has submitted classified documents to the court that confirm Stanisic's "undercover operative role in helping to bring peace to the region and aiding the agency's work. He helped defuse some of the most explosive actions of the Bosnian war."

In an interview with the Los Angeles Times, William Lofgren, his original CIA recruiter and handler, now retired, said: "Stanisic provided valuable information from Milosevic's inner circle. But he never took money from the CIA, worked with the agency on operations or took steps that he would have considered a blatant betrayal of his boss."

Thus the judges at The Hague are having to judge a man who allegedly sent the Scorpion death squads to Srebrenica to "deal" with men and boys fleeing the UN-protected Muslim enclave, while working with the CIA trying to end Milosevic's ethnic wars.

The way the CIA apparently viewed their Belgrade "asset" is revealed in an interview with Balkan Insight, a little known south-east European publication.

The emerging picture is a quaint reflection from a hall of mirrors. Greg Miller of the Los Angeles Times, writing about the links between the CIA and the Serb secret police chief, is quoted as saying: "As I said in the LAT story, the CIA do not see Stanisic as a choirboy. When you talk to people who work in espionage, this is often the case.

"Because of the nature of that job, of that assignment, they are working with people who do not have unblemished records, it would be difficult for them to be effective if they only worked with people who had unblemished records.

"People in Belgrade who have been following the career of Jovica Stanisic would say that this was a guy who was an expert in his field; he was a highly-trained and highly-effective spy. His motivation may have been that he wanted to know what the United States was up to.

"He did not believe that Milosevic was taking the country in the right direction - so he wanted to influence events. He saw himself as an important guy who could pull strings behind the scenes to make things happen in Belgrade."

Stanisic apparently did so on his own terms, while trying to remain a loyal Serb. He did not succeed.

Now he is having to account for his actions as Milosevic's loyal lieutenant at The Hague.

Shaqë Shatri, hija e një agjenti të kërkuar për vrasje

Kosovari nga Kushnini i Prizrenit rrëfen historinë e letërnjoftimit të tij të përdorur nga agjenti i SHIK, Ilir Kumbaro

Autore: Serbeze Haxhiaj

Shaqë Shatri,kosovari nga Kushnini i Prizrenit emri dhe të dhënat e të cilit ishin përdorur me vite nga agjenti i shërbimit sekret shqiptar Ilir Kumbaro i akuzuar për vrasjen e kosovarit Remzi Hoxha tregon se letërnjoftimi i tij ishte vjedhur në Tiranë në vitin 1993 në kohën kur akoma nuk ishte i vrarë Remzi Hoxha - Ai thotë se nuk ka asnjë lidhje me Shërbimin Informativ të Shqipërisë dhe se do të padis Kumbaron që ka vjedhur identitetin e tij – Sipas Interpolit dhe MPB-së ekziston një numër i konsiderueshëm i personave që në disa shtete janë regjistruar si shtetas kosovarë



Kushnin , Prizren – 01 prill- Është bërë një javë që Shaqë Shatrit i është prishur qetësia. Ky 64 vjeçar thotë të jetë tronditur kur ka parë letërnjoftimin me të dhënat e tij të shpallura nga policia në Britani të cilat për vite i kishte mbajtur njëri nga ish njerëzit në piramidën e lartë të shërbimit sekret të shtetit shqiptar, Ilir Kumbaro.

Ky person që kohë të gjatë kishte punuar si bukëpjekës në Prizren dhe Zvicër mohon që të ketë pasur lidhje me shërbimin sekret shqiptar dhe të ketë qenë në dijeni se dokumentacioni i tij është duke u përdorur nga Ilir Kumbaro, njëri nga njerëzit e dyshuar të jetë përfshirë në vrasjen e biznesmenit Remzi Hoxha në vitin 1995, për të cilin tashmë ka nisur një proces gjyqësor në Tiranë.

Pasi merr dozën e ilaçeve të përditshme me një ndjenjë mllefi dhe habie njëkohësisht Shaqa rrëfen për “Kohën Ditore” historinë e shkuarjes në Tiranë dhe vjedhjes së letërnjoftimit të tij që për 13 vite ishte përdorur nga Ilir Kumbaro, i cili i fshehur pas emrit të Shaqës si kosovar i ndjekur u kishte ikur kërkimeve të policisë derisa një ditë ai e zbuloi vetveten dhe Shaqa ‘lidhjen’ e tij me agjentin e SHIK-ut.


Ms; Letërnjoftimi i vjedhur në Tiranë dhe jeta e dyfishtë e Kumbaros



Shaqa në dukje nuk përngjan aspak me Kumbaron i cili është gjithashtu 9 vjet më i ri në moshë . Tani flokët e tij janë të zbardhuara krejt për dallim prej fotografisë që ka publikuar policia britanike ku ai ka flokë të zinj. Që prej 9 vjetësh Shaqa nuk është person që mund të flas ose të kërkoj dokumente pa ndihmën e dikujt. Ai ka humbur zërin pas problemeve me sëmundjet e fytit dhe operacioneve të njëpasnjëshme dhe jo vetëm zëri, por në përgjithësi gjendja e tij shëndetësore është keqësuar tej mase. Me një dozë të madhe zemërimi ai flet për historinë e letërnjoftimit të tij më shumë me pëshpëritje, me mimikë dhe kur nuk arrin të kuptohet shkruan ose mundohet përmes familjarëve të tjerë që për nëntë vjet janë mësuar të komunikojnë me të, të tregoj atë që dëshiron dhe nuk pushon së përsërituri derisa të bindet që ajo që ka thënë është kuptuar.

“ Unë kam qenë në shpi kur djali erdhi nga Prizreni. Ai ka qenë të dajat e tij dhe kishte parë lajmet dhe letërnjoftimin tim. Prej asaj dite nuk po mund të qetësohem , nuk po me merr gjumi natën. Jam shumë keq prej shëndeti dhe kjo po më bën të hamendem ta padis atë njeri që ka keqpërdorur të dhënat e mija , atë njeri që për mua nuk është agjent i shërbimit sekret, por një vrasës”, thotë Shaqa.

Tani 16 vjet më vonë Shaqa ka nisur të mbledh copëzat e kujtesës rreth shkuarjes në Shqipëri, dyshimeve rreth humbjes së letërnjoftimit në Tiranë, historisë së përpjekjeve për të ikur në Zvicër dhe njerëzit që kishin kontaktuar me të.” Ka qenë pranverë e vitit 1993 dhe unë po përpiqesha të dal në Zvicër. Kisha punuar disa vite me radhë dhe shefi im zviceran më kishte thënë se nëse mund të dal në Itali do të vinte të më merrte dhe unë kisha nisur të bëjë përpjekjet që të dal ”, rrëfen Shaqa.

Në të njëjtën kohë ai kishte udhëtuar me një fqinjë të fshatit në Tiranë në përpjekje për të sigurua një vizë dhe u kishte paguar bukur shumë një rrjeti emigrantesh klandestinë në Shqipëri, por nuk kishte mundur më kurrë të shkonte në Zvicër. “ Pasi përmes telefoni ish shefi më tha që nuk do të mundte atë muaj të vinte ta merrte unë fillova disa kontrolle për sy tek një mjek në Tiranë. Herën e parë kur shkova për kontroll mjeku më dha një karton që sipas radhës duhet të shkoj një të mërkurë pasdite. Pas tri ditësh unë mora autobusin dhe u nisa për në pjesën ku ai e kishte ordinancën. Rrugës një njeri shtatlartë më përcillte , kuptoi që isha kosovar dhe më mbante thuajse me zor në bisedë. Kaq më ka mbetur në mendje nga ai udhëtim, nuk i kisha vënë shumë rëndësi personit sot as fytyrën nuk i mbaj mend”.

Një të mërkure tjetër, 16 vjet pas Shaqa thotë se mbase asgjë nuk ka qenë e rastësishme. “ Unë shkova te mjeku dhe sipas rregullave ai më kërkoi kartonin për terminin e vizitës futa dorën në xhep dhe nuk e kisha kuletën , pra ajo ishte vjedhur me gjithë dokumentet , kartonin e mjekut mezi bëra atë kontroll dhe pas një jave u ktheva në Kosovë dhe kalova kufirin sërish ilegal “, thotë Shaqa.

Tri vjet më vonë në vitin 1996 Kumbaro ka hyrë në Britani emrin Shaqë Shatri duke bindë zyrtarët e emigracionit se është refugjat nga Kosova dhe po ikën për shkak të ndjekjes nga serbët dhe ia kishte arritur të merrte një pasaportë britanike.

Letërnjoftimi që Shaqa thotë t’i ishte vjedhur në Tiranë kishte plotë dhjetë vjet afat sepse para se të nisej ai ishte pajisur me letërnjoftim të ri, kurse historia për të nxjerr një tjetër gjithashtu rrëfen të ketë qenë e vështirë. “ Unë e lajmërova policinë në Tiranë për letërnjoftimin, paratë dhe dokumentet tjera që më ishin vjedhur dhe u ktheva në Kosovë pa ditur çfarë kishte ndodhur. Kurse këtu policia më maltretoi javë të tëra derisa e nxora dokumentin e ri”, tregon ai.

Shaqa ishte kthyer në Kosovë për t’u kthyer në Shqipëri gjashtë vetë më vonë gjatë luftës në vitin 1999, ku letërnjoftimin e tij të ri e kishin konfiskuar në kufij policia . Pas luftës ai ishte regjistruar dhe marrë dokumentin e UNMIK-ut dhe kishte nxjerr dokumente në shërbimin e ofiqarisë dhe qendrën e regjistrimit civil sa herë i ishin nevojitur. Të njëjtat dokument janë marrë edhe “nga dikush tjetër”, për nevoja të Ilir Kumbaros derisa ky i fundit kishte zbuluar vetë identitetin e tij të rremë pak muaj më parë.

Kumbaro i kërkuar për vrasje kishte bërë një jetë të dyfishtë me emrin dhe të dhënat e Shaqë Shatrit, por jo edhe me specifikat biometrike dhe këto të dhëna të rreme ai do t’i zbulonte vetë në përpjekje për të siguruar disa ndihma si person me probleme të depresionit dhe stresit të cilat nuk i ka Shaqa në Kosovë. Ai do të mund të kishte qëndruar edhe më tej në Londër nëse nuk do të kishte bërë një gabim. Në vend që të regjistrohet si Shaqë Shatri në Autoritetin Shëndetësor në Ealing, Hammersmith dhe Hounsloë, Kumbaro ka përdorur emrin e tij të vërtetë.

Pak kohë më vonë ai anulon regjistrimin, por ka kjo ka qenë një element i mjaftueshëm për detektivet britanikë që po e ndiqnin Kumbaron, pas një kërkese nga të autoritetet e shtetit shqiptar në qershor të vitit 2008.

I ulur në oborrin e tij në Kushnin të Hasit, Shaqa në Kosovë ka një shpjegim tjetër në zhanrin popullor për këtë.

“Eh thonë se kur vret dikë askush mos foltë e në mos paftë, therrra flet. Edhe ai e ka qitë vetveten. Po ta kisha parë do ta kisha pështyrë. Është turp që agjentë të tillë të ketë në shërbim sekret”, thotë Shaqa.

Historia e identitetit të rrem të Kumbaros do të përfundonte në shtator 2008 kur hetuesit nga njësiti për ekstradim i Scotland Yard, arrestuan njeriun që e quante veten Shaqë Shatri në banesën e tij në Fulham i cili edhe në momentin arrestimit kishte këmbëngulur se nuk është Ilir Kumbaro, por Shaqë Shatri.



Ms: Ilir Kumbaro “ka marrë” pa problem dokumente në Kosovë ?


Deri në këtë kohë Shaqa rrëfen të ketë jetuar me barrën e shumë vuajtjeve nga varfëria dhe sëmundja .E gjithë familja e tij 7 anëtarësh mbahet me një pension prej 50 eurove dhe një rrogë mësuesi që merr djali i tij i vetëm. “ Njeriut çka nuk po i ndodhka në jetë. Deri në këtë kohë e kam pasur hallin e sëmundjes sepse kjo rrogë që merr djali dhe pensioni nuk po na dalin as për barna. Kurrë nuk kisha menduar që emri im do të hynte në lojërat e shërbimit sekret”, thotë ai.

Policia britanike ka gjetur përveç fotografive të Shaqë Shatrit se në regjistrat e shërbimit të ofiqarisë në Prizren janë lëshuar dokumente për Ilir Kumbaron në emër të Shaqë Shatrit dhe pa shumë problem të njëjtat kanë kaluar flirtin e verifikimit në mungesë të shërbimit konsullor, nga UNMIK-u tani edhe nga Ministria e Punëve të Brendshme.

Ruzhdi Hoxha drejtor i shërbimit të ofiqarisë në Prziren thotë se kjo ka mundur të ndodhë ngase kërkesë për të nxjerr certifikatë të lindjes mund të bëjë çdo kush dhe ajo mund të lëshohet pa problem për cilindo, kurse vërtetësia e saj kur nevojitet për jashtë vendit verifikohen në MPB. “ Ne nuk bëjmë hetime. Ne lëshojmë certifikata për personat regjistruar dhe këto janë punë të MPB-së pastaj. Nuk them që nuk janë marrë certifikata në këtë rast në emër të personit Shaqë Shatri. Ne kemi gjetur se ky person i takon departamentit të ofiqarisë në fshatin Pirajë “, thotë Hoxha për gazetën.

Nga zyra e Interpolit në Prishtinë gazeta nuk ka mundur të marr të dhëna rreth numrit të personave të zënë apo të kërkuar që kanë përdorur dokumente të dyfishta dhe për shfrytëzim të dhënave të rreme nga persona të kërkuar. Sipas zyrtarëve të saj këto janë të dhëna konfidenciale që i jepen vetëm prokurorisë sipas nevojës.

Në Ministrinë e Punëve të Brendshme tashmë kanë filluar të vijnë rekomandimet nga EULEX në lidhje me raste të tilla të shfrytëzimit të të dhënave nga njerëz të përfshirë në shërbimin sekret dhe njerëz të tjerë të përfshirë në vepra penale.

Zëvendës/ministri i Punëve të Brendshme Fatmir Xhelili , i ka thënë gazetës se ministria posedon të dhëna se një numër i konsiderueshëm i personave nga disa shtete përreth Kosovës janë të paraqitur në vende të ndryshme si shtetas kosovarë. “ Ne nuk kemi dijeni rreth hetimeve të bëra në raste si ai i Ilir Kumbaros, sepse Interpol nuk komunikon me ne drejtpërdrejtë. Por, e dimë se ekziston numër i konsiderueshëm i personave jashtë vendit që mbajnë identik të kosovarëve dhe ne u kemi kërkuar vendeve të ndryshme që të na i paraqesin listat e emigrantëve të paraqitur si kosovarë në mënyrë që ne t’i verifikojmë ato”, ka thënë Xhelili për gazetën.

Sipas tij pas formimit të shërbimit konsullor do të mund të verifikohen në mënyrë më efikase raste të tilla të përdorimit të identitet të huaja.

Ndërkohë në Tiranë vazhdon prej kohës procesi gjyqësor për çështjen tashmë të quajtur “Remzi Hoxha”. Ish agjentë të SHIK-ut, përfshi edhe vetë ish kreun e shërbimit sekret shqiptar Fatos Klosin kanë dhënë dëshmi mbi ngjarjen.

Zyrtarë të Prokurorisë në Tiranë i ka thënë “Kohës Ditorë”, se janë duke pritur ekstradimin Kumbaros që sipas provave të mbledhura pikërisht ai ( Kumbaro) është personi që e ka takuar për herë të fundit Hoxhën.

“Dyshimet janë vërtetuar edhe nga dëshmitë e tjera të rojeve dhe punonjësve të tjerë të një ndërtese të SHIK-ut në Lezhë. Emri i Ilir Kumbaros është përmendur në dëshmitë e ish-agjentëve të SHIK në rastin "Remzi Hoxha". Ata kanë treguar se e kanë marrë biznesmenin në një punishte në Tiranë duke e dërguar në Lezhë dhe dorëzuar tek Ilir Kumbaro. Atje ishte keqtrajtuar biznesmeni shqiptaro-maqedonas i cili ka vdekur gjatë torturave, trupi i të cilit ende nuk është gjetur”.

Sipas dosjes së Prokurorisë së Krimeve të Rënda, Ilir Kumbaro, ka qenë i pranishëm gjatë shoqërimit dhe marrjes në pyetje të tre personave: Ziso Kristopulli, Remzi Hoxha dhe Avdyl Loshaj. Ata dyshohet se janë mbajtur në bazën sekrete të SHIK-ut në Vain të Lezhës, ku sipas hetimeve janë keqtrajtuar gjatë marrjes në pyetje nga punonjësit e Shërbimit Informativ.

Gjykata e Ëestminster në Britani ka venduar javën e kaluar për ekstradimin e Kumbaros dhe ai pritet që muajin e ardhshëm t’i bashkohet treshes së akuzuar për rastin Hoxha Arben Sefgjini, Avni Koldashi dhe Budjon Meçe.

Shaqë Shatri në Kosovë lutet të ketë jetë deri në përfundim të këtij gjyqi, proces ky që do të qartësoj edhe lidhjen e tij me Kumbaron. Ai ka filluar të jetoj me këtë histori me të cilën pa dashur thotë se është bërë pjesë e saj.

BREAKING NEWS

BINGHAMTON, N.Y. - A gunman entered an immigration services center in downtown Binghamton on Friday, shot several people and took dozens of hostages, according to media reports.
NBC's Pete Williams cited city and state officials as saying that as many 13 people might have been killed. But Williams cautioned that the information was very preliminary and may change as the hours go by because police were still searching the building.
At least 41 people were in the American Civic Association building at the time of the shooting, The Binghamton Press & Sun Bulletin reported.
Four people were removed from the building on stretchers and taken to hospitals, and 10 more ambulances were called, the newspaper reported. The condition of those shot was not immediately clear.
A man went into the group's building and started shooting, according to police scanner traffic reported by WBNG-TV.
The gunman had a high-powered rifle, Mayor Matthew Ryan told the newspaper.
Some later left building
When the shooting started, people escaped to the basement in search of safety. More than a dozen people were hiding in a closet for more than an hour.
Some people were later escorted out of the building, WBGH reporter Sophia Ojeda said.
The American Civic Association's Web site says it helps immigrants and refugees with counseling, resettlement, citizenship, family reunification, interpreters and translators.
The suspect was described as a man in his 20s between 5 feet, 8 inches, and 6 feet tall, wearing a bright green nylon jacket and dark-rimmed glasses.
School locked down
Police locked down a nearby high school and advised local business owners to stay inside.

Rich Griffith, who works across the street from the hostage scene, said he saw three people carried out of the building on stretchers alive.
Linda Miller, a spokeswoman at Our Lady of Lourdes Hospital in Binghamton, confirmed that a student from Binghamton University was being treated at the emergency room. Miller said she didn't know the nature of the injuries.
"We're on full alert anticipating we're going to get additional casualties," Miller said.
Binghamton, with a population around 45,000, is about 150 miles northwest of New York City.

Sondazhet

Saktësia e matjes së opinionit ende mbetet mister, sidomos kur me mostrat / kampionët prej 1000 anketave parashikohet se si do të jetë vota e miliona votuesve. Megjithatë, përvoja e gjatë tregon se shumë shpesh këto matje janë të sakta dhe sigurojnë të dhëna paraprake shumë relevante për aktorët, partitë që garojnë, mediat, si dhe për opinionin.


Shqipëria po hyn në fazën finale të përgatitjes së zgjedhjeve. Fushatat jozyrtare kanë filluar qëmoti, praktikisht një vit më pare, por tani, si në vrapimin e maratonës, kanë mbetur edhe ato xhirot e fundit kur gara zhvillohet në stadium, para publikut. Por, përderisa në maratonë, publiku e ka të qartë se cili garues është në krye të saj dhe vrapon drejt fitores, në finishin e garës partiake në Shqipëri publiku nuk e sheh me sy kush po udhëheq, por këtë ia raportojnë sondazhet e dy televizioneve më të shkuara në Shqipëri, Top Channel dhe TV Klan. Dhe këto sondazhe janë krejtësisht kontradiktore. Përderisa sondazhi i Top Channel që drejtohet nga firma amerikane Zogby i jep përparësi të konsiderueshme PS-së dhe të majtës, sondazhi i TV Klanit që realizohet nga Qendra për Studime Humanistike “Gani Bobi” nga Prishtina, jep një rezultat paraprak krejt të përmbysur, ku përparësinë e konsiderueshme e ka PD-ja dhe spektri i partive të së djathtës.

Si pjesëmarrës në këtë garë të sondazheve, duke udhëhequr sondazhet e “Gani Bobit”, unë personalisht do të duhej të jepja argumente shtesë për matjet tona të disponimit të elektoratit në Shqipëri, si më reale dhe më të sakta se ato të Zogbyt. Edhe pse kjo duket gati e pamundur, që një OJQ lokale me përvojë relativisht të kufizuar, të dale më e suksesshme se firma amerikane që ka përvoja të mëdha dhe fitime marramendëse, unë jam shumë i qetë rreth këtij krahasimi që shpesh përsëritet në programet e Top Channel. Zogby është vërtet firmë e madhe që ka vendosur për metodologjinë dhe aspektet relevante të matjes dhe prezantimit të rezultateve, ne të “Gani Bobit” e dimë se konkurrentë të vërtetë nuk e kemi Zogbyn, në asnjë aspekt (sa i përket metodologjisë, e jona nuk dallon aspak nga ato që aplikohen në botë), por konkurrenti ynë i drejtpërdrejtë është ndonjë organizatë hulumtuese nga Shqipëria, të cilën Zogby ose Top Channel e ka zgjedhur që ta kryejë punën në terren. Cila është kjo organizatë Zogby dhe Top Channel nuk e kanë zbardhur. Ndërkaq, për organizatën tonë, pra “Gani Bobin”, dihet se me partnerin lokal në Shqipëri, Qeverinë studentore të Shqipërisë, që na ka siguruar nga viti 2005 anketuesit dhe logjistikën, kemi pas një seri sondazhesh të suksesshme, ndër to edhe exit polling të korrikut të vitit 2005, kur në momentin e mbylljes të vendvotimeve, parashikuam fitoren e PD-së në Tiranë dhe Durrës, kurse prognoza e fitores në tërë vendin mbeti në zarfin e mbyllur, sepse pushteti i atëhershëm dhe kryetari i shtetit Alfred Mojsiu, kishin bërë presione dhe rekomanduar që ky rezultat të mos shpallet.

Konkluzioni i këtij argumenti është se nuk i frikësohemi aspak Zogbyt, sepse kjo firmë garon vetëm në cilësinë e trajnerit, por nuk është vetë vrapuesi. Anketuesit e Zogbyt nuk janë nga SHBA-të, por janë goca dhe çuna nga Shqipëria, si edhe këta të tanët me të cilët kemi punuar tash katër vjet me sukses.

Edhe një arsye tjetër më bën që të ndihem cool për rezultatin e garës aktuale të sondazheve në Shqipëri. Në kësi lloj sondazhesh nuk mund të manipulosh me rezultatet e tyre, dhe që kjo pastaj të mos hakmerret, dhe tregohet si manipulim dhe gënjeshtër. Sondazhi ynë mund të mos jetë i saktë në ndonjë përqindje ose promil, por jo edhe të huq krejt tendencën aktuale.

Kuptohet, deri në ditën e mbajtjes së zgjedhjeve kanë mbetur edhe tre muaj, dhe ky është afat i mjaftueshëm që të ndodhin ndryshimet, që të përfitohet ndonjë suportues i ri, të ketë ndonjë zhgënjim tek votuesit e luhatshëm, të ndodhë ndonjë skandal komprometues, ose ndonjë gafe elektorale që një parti o lider i bën më simpatikë, e tjetrën parti ose lider i bën më antipatikë.

Saktësia e matjes së opinionit ende mbetet mister, sidomos kur me mostrat/kampionët prej 1000 anketave parashikohet se si do të jetë vota e miliona votuesve. Megjithatë, përvoja e gjatë tregon se shumë shpesh këto matje janë të sakta dhe sigurojnë të dhëna paraprake shumë relevante për aktorët, partitë që garojnë, mediat, si dhe për opinionin.

Në botën demokratike, sondazhet gëzojnë respekt dhe shërbejnë si një ndihmesë për transparencën dhe mbarëvajtjen e zgjedhjeve. Edhe nëse parashikimet dalin jo të sakta, kjo nuk konsiderohet si manipulim, por si pasojë e çrregullimi në procesin e komplikuar të matjes. Sondazhet janë instrument tepër i ndjeshëm, ku pos gabimeve aksidentale dhe procedurale në ndërtimin e kampionit/mostrës, mund të ketë edhe dështime tjera aksidentale ose të qëllimshme të anketuesve, ose gjatë futjes dhe përpunimit të të dhënave.

Në botën shqiptare, ku rregullat e respektimit të garës elektorale ende nuk janë standardizuar, politikanët, mediat e edhe elektorati, vazhdojnë të shohin sondazhet si një mjet kryekëput manipulues, ose që nuk mund t’u besohet plotësisht. Në fushatat parazgjedhore ato shihen si mjet i propagandës, ose edhe të mobilizimit të elektoratit.

Në Shqipëri, megjithatë, tashmë është bërë praktikë që partitë të bëjnë sondazhe të rregullta, duke mbledhur njohuri paraprake për profilin e elektoratin, imazhin dhe popullaritetin e partisë dhe të liderëve, problemet kryesore të vendit, orientimet programore të partisë etj. Por, ja që në fazën finale, ato ende investojnë edhe në luftën e sondazheve, duke besuar se me këtë mund të ndikojnë që të përhapet pasiguria dhe paniku te kundërshtarët, dhe të mobilizohet dhe moralisht të ngritët përkrahja për krahun që suportohet me sondazhe të porositura ose të manipuluara.

Ka të tillë që shprehen me dyshim për sondazhet në përgjithësi. “Ç’na duhen edhe nëse janë të sakta?”

Sondazhet, megjithatë, më parë janë mjet i transparencës dhe demistifikimit, sesa i manipulimit. Një shembull i thjeshtë ilustron këtë: politikanët shpesh kanë prirje që të flasin në “emër të popullit”, duke pohuar gjërat që nuk mund të verifikohen pa matjen e opinionit. Në momentin që sondazhet bëhen instrument i besueshëm, pushtetarët do të kanë dronë të thirren në emër të popullit, sepse anketat mund t’i demantojnë.