BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR
2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
March 11, 2010
The Republic of Albania is a parliamentary democracy with a population of approximately 3.6 million. The constitution vests legislative authority in the unicameral People's Assembly (parliament), which elects both the prime minister and the president. The prime minister heads the government, while the presidency has limited executive power. On June 28, the country held parliamentary elections, which the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) described as marking progress over past elections, but not fully realizing international standards. While ODIHR found that the elections met most of the country's democratic commitments, observers noted problems, including misuse of government resources by both sides for campaign purposes, shortcomings in training and preparations for vote counting, and evidence of proxy voting, media bias, and pressure on public sector employees to participate in campaign events. The opposition Socialist Party (SP) boycotted parliament after September, calling for an investigation into alleged electoral fraud. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces.
There were reports that police severely beat and mistreated suspects during interrogation and detention. Police corruption and impunity persisted. Government corruption remained a serious and unresolved problem. Discrimination against women, children, homosexual persons, and minorities were problems. Trafficking in persons also remained a problem.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From:
a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life
There were no reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. The killings of two political figures--Socialist Party member of parliament Fatmir Xhindi and a Christian Democrat leader, Alex Keka--were under investigation and remained unresolved at year's end.
Investigations continued into allegations that, during the 1999 Kosovo conflict, traffickers kidnapped civilians from Kosovo and brought them to the country, where some were killed and their organs sold. In April the EU Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo announced that it had begun a preliminary investigation into the allegations. In August Council of Europe special rapporteur Dick Marty led a mission to Serbia and Albania to further investigate. Marty's report to the Council of Europe remained pending at year's end.
During the year there were continuing reports of societal killings, including both generational "blood feud" and revenge killings. Such killings sometimes involved criminal gangs. According to the Interior Ministry, there was one blood feud-related killing during the year, which was a decrease from previous years. According to NGOs approximately 120 families were effectively imprisoned in their homes from fear of blood feud reprisals; half of these families were located in Shkoder. The Court of Serious Crimes tried blood feud cases. The law punishes premeditated murder, when committed for revenge or a blood feud, with 20 years' or life imprisonment.
b. Disappearance
There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
At year's end, the trial was ongoing of Arben Sefgjini, who previously served as the head of the National Intelligence Service (SHISH), and three of his former SHISH colleagues, Budion Mece, Avni Kolladashi, and Ilir Kumbaro, for the 1995 kidnapping and torture of Remzi Hoxha and two other citizens. Hoxha's fate remained unknown.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
The constitution and law prohibit such actions; however, police and prison guards sometimes beat and abused suspects and detainees.
On January 21, the Council of Europe's Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT) released a report on the June 2008 visit by a CPT delegation to a number of the country's prisons and detention centers. The CPT reported credible allegations of physical mistreatment; abuse mostly occurred during police questioning, including severe beatings incorporating blows to the feet and to the palms and backs of the hands with objects such as a baton. The most serious allegations received by the delegation involved the police stations in Korca, Pogradec, and Elbasan. However, in contrast with CPT visits in 2005 and 2006, the majority of persons interviewed by the delegation stated they had been treated correctly while in police custody.
The Albanian Helsinki Committee (AHC) and the Albanian Human Rights Group (AHRG) reported that police sometimes used excessive force or inhuman treatment. In 2008 the AHC reported that it received 91 complaints of mistreatment by police. The majority of these complaints concerned unjustified stops by police, detention past legal deadlines, failure to make citizens aware of their rights when detained, and poor conditions of detention centers. According to the AHRG, police more often mistreated suspects at the time of arrest or initial detention. Roma, Balkan Egyptians, and persons engaging in homosexual conduct were particularly vulnerable to police abuse.
As in past years, the police sometimes used threats and violence to extract confessions.
Prison and Detention Center Conditions
The Ministry of Justice operated all detention facilities; however, the Ministry of Interior oversaw police detention facilities, which housed detainees for up to 48 hours after their arrest. After 48 hours, arrestees were placed under Ministry of Justice supervision.
In its January 21 report on conditions of detention in the country, the CPT delegation noted that, with the exception of provision of food, hardly any progress had been made at the time of its June 2008 visit to improve physical conditions of detention in police detention facilities. In particular it found that detention conditions at the Police Directorate General in Tirana were "totally unacceptable." It found all cells to be very small, in a poor state of repair and hygiene, and to have little or no access to natural light and fresh air. There were also reports of prison overcrowding. To alleviate overcrowding, the government opened five new prisons during the year and in April passed a probation law that allows those convicted of minor crimes to be released on a probationary basis. Nearly 80 former inmates participated in this program. In its January 21 report, the CPT delegation noted that some cells in the unit for female prisoners at Prison No. 313 in Tirana were severely overcrowded, with up to four prisoners held in a cell measuring seven square meters (75 square feet). This was the only facility in the country for female pretrial detainees. In November, the government signed a memorandum with a local NGO to increase the size of the facility.
The government allowed local and international human rights groups, the media, and others to monitor prison conditions. The law provides for an ombudsman to implement the National Mechanism for Torture Prevention. The ombudsman received complaints of abuses by the government and has the authority to monitor judicial proceedings and inspect detention and prison facilities; the ombudsman can initiate cases in which a victim is unwilling or unable to come forward. Although the ombudsman lacked the power to enforce decisions, he acted as a monitor for human rights violations. The most common cases included citizen complaints of police and military abuse of power, lack of enforcement of court judgments in civil cases, wrongful dismissal, and land disputes.
As a result of the June 2008 finding by the ombudsman that inmates at Burrel prison suffered substantial psychological and physical abuse, the Ministry of Justice conducted more training for prison staff and alleviated overcrowding. During the year the ombudsman did not receive any complaints regarding Burrel prison.
During the year the ombudsman found that minors were being held together with adults at the Korca prison and Durres predetention facilities. Specifically, he found that 14- to 18-year-olds were being together. The ombudsman recommended that this practice cease; implementation was in process at year's end.
During the year, 186 prison guards and officials had disciplinary proceedings initiated against them for misconduct.
Arbitrary Arrest or Detention
The constitution and law prohibit arbitrary arrest and detention; however, there were some reports that police occasionally arbitrarily arrested and detained persons.
Role of the Police and Security Apparatus
Local police units report to the Ministry of Interior and were the main force responsible for internal security.
Notwithstanding police officer recruitment reforms and other standardization by the Ministry of Interior, the overall performance of law enforcement remained weak. Unprofessional behavior and corruption, compounded by low salaries, remained major impediments to the development of an effective civilian police force.
During the year the ombudsman processed and completed 151 of 169 complaints against the police mainly on arrest and detention issues; the ombudsman resolved 63 in favor of the complaining citizen.
Arrest Procedures and Treatment While in Detention
The constitution requires that authorities inform detained persons immediately of the charges against them and of their rights. Police must immediately inform the prosecutor of an arrest. The prosecutor may release the suspect or petition the court within 48 hours to hold the individual further. The court must decide within 48 hours whether to place a suspect in detention, require bail, prohibit travel, or require the defendant to report regularly to the police. In practice prosecutors requested and courts routinely ordered detention.
Courts must provide indigent defendants with free legal counsel. Police often failed to inform defendants of this right. The AHC and several NGOs offered free legal advice and advocacy services to indigent persons.
The law requires completion of most pretrial investigations within three months; however, a prosecutor may extend this period to two years or longer. The law provides that the maximum pretrial detention should not exceed three years; there were no reports during the year that this limit was violated. However, lengthy pretrial detentions often occurred due to delayed investigations, defense mistakes, or the failure of defense counsel to appear.
Limited material resources, lack of space, poor court calendar management, and insufficient staff prevented the court system from adjudicating cases in a timely fashion.
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
The constitution provides for an independent judiciary; however, political pressure, intimidation, widespread corruption, and limited resources sometimes prevented the judiciary from functioning independently and efficiently.
The judicial system is composed of district courts, the serious crimes court, military courts, and appellate courts. There is a High Court that hears appeals from the appellate courts, and a Constitutional Court that reviews cases involving constitutional interpretation and conflicts between branches of government and cases of individuals alleging denial of due process.
The High Council of Justice has authority to appoint, discipline, and dismiss district and appeals court judges. The council consists of the president, the justice minister, the head of the High Court, nine judges selected by the National Judicial Conference, and three members selected by the parliament. Judges may appeal their dismissal to the High Court.
On February 16, the Constitutional Court suspended and referred to the Council of Europe's Venice Commission for further review the controversial "lustration" law, which allows the dismissal from office of a wide range of officials who participated in "political processes" while serving in higher-level positions under the Communist government. Adjudication of these cases was to be addressed by an extrajudicial commission appointed by the government-controlled parliament. The law appeared aimed at achieving the government's partisan political ends. In October the Venice Commission ruled that the lustration law, as written, does not comply with the country's constitution.
In 2008 the European Court of Human Rights issued a judgment against the country for violation of Article 6 (right to a fair trial) of the European Convention on Human Rights.
Trial Procedures
The law provides for the right to a fair trial with defendants presumed innocent until convicted. The court system does not provide for jury trials. Prosecutors and defense lawyers present cases to a judge or panel of judges, and defendants have the right to access all evidence that prosecutors present to the judges. Defendants have the right to appeal. The law mandates an alternative sentencing system for juveniles.
Political Prisoners and Detainees
There were no reports of political prisoners or detainees; however, former political prisoners under the Communist government complained that they had either not received the compensation due them under the law or that payments were coming too slowly.
Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies
There is a functional civil law system where citizens have access to redress; however, it was susceptible to corruption, inefficiency, and political tampering. The Bailiff's Office is responsible for enforcing civil judgments. The law allows private bailiffs to enforce judgments, facilitating both private and public entities to help enforce rulings. However, the law was not enforced during the year.
Property Restitution
The laws governing restitution or compensation for private and religious property confiscated during the Communist era are complex, and a large number of cases involving conflicting claims by new owners and the state, on one side, and former owners on the other remained unresolved. In September 2008 the European Parliament released a briefing paper on property restitution in the country which noted that the first round of judgments of the European Court of Human Rights had found "serious deficiencies" in the administrative and judicial system of the country with respect to property restitution and compensation of former owners. Other problems identified in the paper included the government's slowness in setting up restitution administrative structures in the Property Restitution and Compensation Agency at both the central and regional department level and the domination of the restitution process by informal and corrupt transactions.
During the year the government provided 1.2 billion lek ($12 million) in compensation to former owners of private property. As in previous years, the government did not provide restitution or compensation to religious organizations for religious properties and objects that the former Communist government confiscated or damaged.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence
The constitution and law prohibit such actions, and the government generally respected these prohibitions in practice.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
The constitution and law provide for freedom of speech and of the press. While the government generally respected these rights, there were reports that the government and businesses exerted covert pressure on the media. While the media were active and largely unrestrained, there were serious problems with the misuse of the media for political purposes. These problems worsened during and after the election campaign, with most media outlets showing clear bias towards the two largest political parties and public media outlets showing a distinct bias toward the ruling Democratic Party.
Individuals could generally criticize the government publicly or privately without reprisal, although there were some exceptions.
The public Albanian Radio and Television operated a national television channel and a national radio station and, by law, receives 50 percent of its budget from the government. The station remained under strict government control in its editorial line. At times political pressure and lack of funding constrained the independent print media. There were cases of direct and indirect government pressure on the media, including direct threats against journalists. Journalists reported that they practiced extensive self-censorship.
The investigative role of the media continued to increase. A popular investigative satirical show, Fiks Fare, led to dismissals and criminal cases against corrupt public officials, including a minister accused of sexual misconduct.
On January 6, a court suspended the Ministry of Interior-ordered eviction in December 2008 of Tema, a newspaper that had been critical of the ruling party, purportedly on "national security" grounds. The court ordered that the newspaper be allowed to continue publishing until the legal process was completed. However, in defiance of that ruling, the government continued to deny newspaper staff members access to the printing press or newspaper offices as of year's end.
In the spring, the Council of Ministers modified its 2006 decision to break its 20-year lease of space to Top Channel, a private television station that was sometimes critical of the government, and order the station to vacate the state-owned office building in which it was located. The council agreed to allow Top Channel to move to another state-owned property. On September 14, the Ministry of Economy notified Top Channel that it had to vacate premises at the so-called "Ekspozita," where some of its activities were conducted, due to privatization procedures, thus terminating Top Channel's lease contract. The ministry stated that it had alerted the station during the previous two years to the privatization, a claim the station rejected as untrue. The station alleged that these actions were reprisals for its editorial line. On September 15, a ministry spokesperson stated that the lease had ceased to exist after the privatization of the building. Several court hearings after the station filed a lawsuit contesting the government's decision were postponed during the year. The case was ongoing at year's end.
The law punishes libel with a prison sentence of up to two years and a fine. During the year there were no libel suits against reporters. However, two media outlets, Vision Plus and Shekulli, filed libel suits against the prime minister in December for prejudicial public statements made against them in parliament. Court hearings were ongoing at year's end.
Politicization of the media remained a concern that worsened during the election campaign. For the first time, political parties sent tapes of campaign footage for the stations' use to replace the stations' own coverage of campaign events. Publishers and newspaper owners continued to direct news stories to serve their political and economic interests and sometimes blocked stories that ran counter to those interests. There was minimal transparency in the financing of the media.
Various forms of media intimidation continued. Journalists continued to complain that publishers and editors censored their work, either directly or indirectly in response to political and commercial pressures. Many journalists complained that their lack of employment contracts frequently hindered their ability to report objectively.
On November 2, an outspoken government critic, journalist Mero Baze, owner of the Tema newspaper and host of a talk show on Vision Plus, was assaulted outside a nightclub in Tirana. Witnesses stated that he was assaulted by Rezart Taci, a prominent businessman and close government associate, and his bodyguards for Baze's reporting on alleged corruption in the privatization of ARMO, the country's state-owned oil refinery, which the government had earlier sold to Taci. At year's end, police were investigating the incident and the accused businessman and two of his bodyguards were free on bail awaiting trial.
Political parties, trade unions, and other groups published newspapers or magazines independent of government influence. An estimated 200 publications were available, including daily and weekly newspapers, magazines, newsletters, and pamphlets.
According to official data, the country had 64 private television stations and 44 private radio stations, but the actual number was reportedly higher. While stations generally operated free of direct government influence, most owners believed that the content of their broadcasts could influence government action toward their other businesses.
Internet Freedom
There were no government restrictions on access to the Internet or reports that the government monitored e-mail or Internet chat rooms. Individuals and groups could engage in the peaceful expression of views via the Internet, including by e-mail. Access to the Internet increased exponentially during the year, but remained limited, particularly outside major urban areas. According to International Telecommunication Union statistics for 2008, approximately 15 percent of the country's inhabitants used the Internet; however, there were other reports that usage could be as high as 30 percent.
Academic Freedom and Cultural Events
There were no government restrictions on academic freedom or cultural events.
The law provides for the election of university rectors by faculty members and students. General elections took place in January 2008 at all public universities. There were claims that the election process was manipulated in the ballot counting process. There were also reports of pressure exerted on some students during the elections.
Corruption in the education system was extensive. University officials reportedly required payments for students to gain admission. For a fee, professors were reputedly willing to write papers or complete assignments for students, who routinely skipped classes. Officials sometimes required bribes or sexual favors from students for them to matriculate or pass examinations.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
The constitution and law provide for freedom of assembly and association, and the government generally respected these rights in practice.
The law requires organizers of gatherings in public places to notify police three days in advance; there were no reports that police arbitrarily denied such gatherings. On the eve of the June elections, however, the government used police to obstruct the opposition's preparations for its final campaign rally. The dispute was resolved only through international intercession.
The law prohibits the formation of any political party or organization that is nontransparent or secretive; there were no reports that the government used this provision against any group during the year.
c. Freedom of Religion
The constitution and law provide for freedom of religion, and the government generally respected this right in practice.
The predominant religious communities--Sunni Muslim, Bektashi Muslim, Orthodox, and Roman Catholic--enjoyed a greater degree of official recognition (for example, national holidays) and social status than some other religious groups. The government does not require registration or licensing of religious groups.
The constitution calls for separate bilateral agreements to regulate relations between the government and religious communities. In October 2008 the government signed agreements with the Muslim, Orthodox, and Bektashi communities. The Catholic Church has had such an agreement with the government since 2002. VUSH, a Protestant umbrella organization, has asked to conclude a bilateral agreement. Among the advantages of having an agreement are official recognition of the community, prioritized property restitution, and tax exemptions. Government financial support and state-subsidized clergy salaries are to be implemented, based on a law on the financing of religious communities passed on June 5.
Societal Abuses and Discrimination
There were reportedly fewer than 100 Jews living in the country; there were no known functioning synagogues or community centers, and no reports of anti-Semitic acts.
For a more detailed discussion, see the 2009 International Religious Freedom Report at www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf.
d. Freedom of Movement, Internally Displaced Persons, Protection of Refugees, and Stateless Persons
The constitution and law provide for freedom of movement within the country, foreign travel, emigration, and repatriation, and the government generally respected these rights in practice. The government cooperated with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other humanitarian organizations in providing protection and assistance to internally displaced persons, refugees, returning refugees, asylum seekers, stateless persons, and other persons of concern.
Internal migrants must transfer their civil registration to their new community of residence to receive government services and must prove they are legally domiciled through property ownership, a property rental agreement, or utility bills. Many persons could not provide this proof and thus lacked access to essential services. Other citizens lacked formal registration in the communities in which they resided, particularly Roma and Balkan Egyptians.
The law prohibits forced exile, and the government did not employ it.
Protection of Refugees
The country is a party to the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1967 Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees. Its laws provide for the granting of asylum or refugee status, and the government has established a system for providing protection to refugees.
In practice the government provided protection against the expulsion or return of refugees to countries where their lives or freedom would be threatened on account of their race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion. Under the law requests for asylum must be made within 10 days of arrival on the country's soil, and the government must make the decision regarding granting asylum within 51 days of the initial request. The government actively cooperated with the UNHCR and the Refugee and Migrants Services Albania, which provided assistance to refugees.
The government provided temporary protection to refugees and individuals who may not qualify as refugees and provided it to 99 persons during the year.
In cooperation with international organizations, the government, through the EU's Community Assistance for Reconstruction, Development, and Stabilization program, prescreened undocumented migrants at all border crossing points. Under the program, an NGO and government team assisted border police in identifying undocumented migrants who were potential victims of trafficking, asylum seekers, or economic migrants.
Section 3 Respect for Political Rights: The Right of Citizens to Change Their Government
The constitution and law provide citizens the right to change their government peacefully, and citizens exercised this right in practice through periodic elections based on universal suffrage.
Elections and Political Participation
On June 28, the country held parliamentary elections. The official report of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) election observation mission stated that the election met most OSCE commitments, but nevertheless "did not fully realize the country's potential to adhere to the highest standards for democratic elections." While the elections took place in a highly polarized environment and media coverage was decidedly skewed in favor of the two largest parties, the Democratic Party (DP) and the SP, 34 parties campaigned freely throughout the country. ODIHR observers assessed voting positively in 92 per cent of voting centers visited but noted a number of procedural violations, such as proxy voting. Press coverage was heavily biased in favor of the government and the major opposition party, at the expense of smaller parties. There were numerous allegations, of which several were corroborated, of pressure to attend DP campaign events or to desist from opposition activities, often accompanied by threats of job loss. The government repeatedly used official events, including inaugurations of infrastructure projects, for campaign purposes. According to ODIHR, the government consistently misused state resources--vehicles, personnel, telecommunications, and duplicating equipment--to assist campaigning. The head of the SP also used official events in his capacity as mayor of Tirana to campaign for the SP, although less frequently.
According to the new electoral code, only identification cards or passports could be used as identification for voting. The distribution of identification cards to allow citizens without passports to vote started in January and was largely completed in time for elections. A concerted effort by the international community led to an agreement to accelerate delivery and lower the cost of the cards. There were no major disputes over identification cards on election day. Of over 1.4 million applications for identification cards, all but 3,321 were processed before election day. Approximately 257,000 citizens without a passport did not apply.
Due to administrative shortcomings, ODIHR observers assessed the vote count as bad or very bad in 22 of the 66 ballot-counting centers. Nevertheless, the ODIHR mission found no evidence of irregular counting or manipulation of results and no major irregularities at the centers. However, the opposition contested these apparently contradictory conclusions, and a small political party aired video footage seemingly showing vote counting irregularities in at least one polling station. Opposition demands for recounts were denied by the Central Election Committee on a party-line vote. The bipartisan Electoral College also generally denied recount requests. The postelection appeals process was conducted in a professional manner and appeared to be expedited, according to the ODIHR mission. The final declaration on the seat allocation and electoral results passed the CEC by a unanimous vote of both major parties.
After the elections, the main opposition party, the SP, boycotted parliament and called for investigations into alleged electoral fraud and demanded the opening of the ballot boxes from the June 28 elections. The ruling DP declared that opening the ballot boxes would be illegal, arguing that the opposition had exhausted all legal appeal remedies provided for in the electoral code. The boycott was ongoing at year's end.
Political parties operated without restriction or outside interference.
Overall, women were poorly represented at the national and local levels of government, despite commitments by the major political parties to increase their representation. After the June 28 elections, there were 23 women in the 140-seat parliament, an increase from nine in the previous parliament. These included the speaker and one woman on the Council of Ministers.
The law mandates that women fill 30 percent of appointed and elected positions, and the electoral code provides that 30 percent of candidates should be women. However, not all parties followed the electoral code, and many placed women's names in low spots on the ballot, virtually assuring that they would not win a seat in parliament under the country's regional proportional parliamentary system in which votes are allocated to candidates in order of their appearance on the ballot.
Several members of the Greek minority served in the parliament and in the executive branch in ministerial and subministerial positions, including as the minister of labor.
Section 4 Official Corruption and Government Transparency
The law provides criminal penalties for official corruption; however, despite several arrests of high-level local and central government officials, government corruption remained a major obstacle to meaningful reform. World Bank governance indices for 2008 indicated that corruption was a serious problem. The government prosecuted corrupt officials and managed complaints regarding corrupt police through the ombudsman.
During the year the government's anticorruption task force against organized crime continued to coordinate anticorruption activities. The task force, headed by the prime minister, included several ministers and heads of independent state-owned agencies, such as the public electricity company and representatives of the police and intelligence organizations.
The law prohibits government ministers and their close family members from owning a company directly tied to their official responsibilities. Since its inception in 2003, the High Inspectorate for the Declaration and Audit of Assets (HIDAA) received assets declarations from 9,413 officials. During the year there were 424 new officials who declared their assets for the first time. HIDAA administers conflict of interest regulations and during the year fined 27 individuals for delaying their submissions and fined three for conflict of interest.
During the year the Ministry of Interior reported that the state police investigated 1,610 cases related to corruption and financial crimes. Authorities arrested 2,049 persons. The government confiscated approximately 700 million lek ($7 million) in assets, of which 550 million lek ($5.5 million) was from money laundering; the remainder was in contraband goods and illegal products. According to the Ministry of Interior, police dismantled 24 organized criminal groups in 38 police operations. However, organized crime remained a serious problem.
The Joint Investigative Unit to Fight Economic Crime and Corruption (JIU) investigated and prosecuted public corruption and other financial crimes, although its ability to investigate and prosecute corrupt judges, members of parliament, and other high officials was hampered by broad immunity from criminal prosecution granted by the constitution. The JIU was composed of the prosecutor general, the ministers of interior and finance, and the director of SHISH. The JIU used a team structure to concentrate capacity and foster communication necessary for effective investigations and prosecutions. The JIU received direct referrals from citizens.
During the year the JIU prosecuted two former mayors of a commune near Tirana for a property fraud scheme. They were convicted of corruption, money laundering, and other charges along with three other officials and two citizens. The trial court imposed sentences ranging from three to six years in prison; however, the Court of Appeals subsequently reduced some of the charges and most of the sentences, cutting the longest sentence to three years.
In a highly charged case involving restitution of property in the Kashar Commune, seven persons were convicted of corruption, money laundering, and other charges. This small commune, between Tirana and Durres, contains valuable land adjacent to the main highway. The seven agreed to a summary trial to reduce their sentences. The court imposed prison sentences ranging from three to six years on five former officials, including two former chairmen of the commune, and fines ranging from one million to six million lek ($10,000 to $60,000). Two commune citizens were convicted of money laundering and falsification of documents, with one of them receiving the heaviest sentence of the group--six years and eight months in prison.
In a Ministry of Defense procurement fraud case, three of four defendants were convicted, including Shkelzen Madani, the resource management director. Madani, convicted of passive corruption and falsification of documents, was sentenced to two-and-a-half years in prison, a 1.8 million lek ($18,000) fine, and was prohibited from holding public office for one year. Madani, a close associate of former minister of defense Fatmir Mediu, and others received an estimated 2,000 euros ($2,860) in bribes for each ammunition import and export license that the Ministry of Defense issued to civilian entities. Two other defendants were convicted and sentenced to less than two years' imprisonment.
In September the prosecution dismissed charges against former foreign minister Lulzim Basha, who was indicted for abuse of office in connection with the country's largest public works project, on technical grounds relating to his immunity as the new minister of interior.
During the year the Supreme Court ruled that former minister of defense Fatmir Mediu was immune from prosecution in connection with the investigation of the 2008 explosion at a demilitarization warehouse in Gerdec that resulted in the deaths of 26 persons. Mediu's immunity, which had been revoked in 2008, was reinstated upon his reelection to parliament on June 28. As a result, the case was dismissed. As of year's end, there had been no request from the prosecutor general to lift Mediu's immunity.
Citizens and noncitizens, including foreign media, have the right to obtain information about the activities of government bodies and persons who exercise official state functions; however, citizens often faced serious problems in obtaining information from public and government institutions.
The law requires public officials to release all information and official documents with the exception of classified documents and state secrets. Most government ministries and agencies posted public information directly on their Web sites. However, businesses and citizens complained of a lack of transparency and the failure to publish regulations or legislation that should be basic public information.
Section 5 Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights
A number of domestic and international human rights groups generally operated without government restriction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government officials generally cooperated and responded to their views. A group of human rights NGOs collaborated to produce a human rights report on the country that was published in December.
The government cooperated with international organizations, such as the UNHCR and the International Organization for Migration, and did not restrict their access.
The human rights ombudsman has the authority to monitor judicial proceedings and inspect detention and prison facilities; the ombudsman can initiate cases in which a victim is unwilling or unable to come forward. Although the ombudsman lacked the power to enforce decisions, he acted as a monitor for human rights violations. The most common cases included citizen complaints of police and military abuse of power, lack of enforcement of court judgments in civil cases, wrongful dismissal, and land disputes.
In many cases, the government took concrete steps to correct problems in response to the findings of the ombudsman. Cooperation improved between the Ministry of Interior and the ombudsman, and the government implemented some suggestions made by the ombudsman.
Section 6 Discrimination, Societal Abuses, and Trafficking in Persons
The law prohibits discrimination based on race, gender, ethnicity, disability, language, or social status; however, the government did not effectively enforce these prohibitions, and discrimination against women, Balkan Egyptians, Roma, and homosexual persons persisted.
Women
The criminal code penalizes rape, including spousal rape; however, victims rarely reported spousal abuse, and officials did not prosecute spousal rape in practice. The concept of spousal rape was not well established, and authorities and the public often did not consider it a crime. The law imposes penalties for rape and assault depending on the age of the victim. For rape of an adult, the prison term is three to 10 years; for rape of an adolescent between the ages of 14 and 18, the term is five to 15 years and, for rape of a child under age 14, the sentence is seven to 15 years.
Domestic violence against women, including spousal abuse, remained a serious problem. During the year police reported 1,063 cases of domestic violence and the government pressed charges in 747 cases. The department of equal opportunities at the Ministry of Labor, Social Affairs, and Equal Opportunity covers women's issues, including domestic violence.
The government did not fund specific programs to combat domestic violence or assist victims, although nonprofit organizations provided assistance. NGOs reported that an estimated eight domestic violence hotlines operated. The hotlines, serving mainly the northern part of the country, each received approximately 25 calls per month from women reporting some form of violence. NGOs operated four shelters for battered women in Tirana, Vlora, Elbasan, and Gjirokaster. NGOs noted an increase in reports of domestic violence, primarily due to increased awareness of services.
In many communities, particularly those in the northeast, women were subjected to societal discrimination as a result of traditional social norms that considered women to be subordinate to men.
The law prohibits prostitution; however, it remained a problem.
The law prohibits sexual harassment; however, officials rarely enforced the law.
In March the prime minister fired the minister of culture, youth, tourism, and sports, Ylli Pango, one hour after a popular television program broadcast a video taken by a hidden camera showing Pango requesting sexual favors from a young woman in exchange for a job in his ministry. An investigation of Pango terminated in December due to lack of evidence other than the video, which was deemed entrapment by prosecutors.
Reproductive rights are respected by the government. Citizens have access to contraception. Under the law, health care is provided to all citizens; however, the quality of and access to care, including obstetric and postpartum care, was not satisfactory, especially in the remote rural areas.
The law provides equal rights for men and women under family law, property law, and in the judicial system. Neither the law nor practice excluded women from any occupation; however, they were not well represented at the highest levels of their fields. The law mandates equal pay for equal work; however, the government and employers did not fully implement this provision.
Children
In general, parents must register their children in the same community where they registered. However, according to the Children's Rights Center of Albania (CRCA), children born to internal migrants frequently had no birth certificates or other legal documentation and, as a result, were unable to attend school.
The law provides for nine years of free education and authorizes private schools. School attendance is mandatory through the ninth grade or until age 16, whichever comes first; however, in practice many children left school earlier than the law allowed to work with their families, particularly in rural areas. Parents had to purchase supplies, books, uniforms, and space heaters for some classrooms, which was prohibitively expensive for many families, particularly Roma and other minorities. Many families also cited these costs as a reason for not sending girls to school.
According to 2007-08 Ministry of Education figures, public school secondary school enrollment (ages 15 to 18 years) for both boys and girls was 96.7 percent, primary school attendance (ages six to 14 years) was 99.1 percent, and the school dropout rate was 0.9 percent. In December the ministry announced a new program designed to decrease the dropout rate further by providing textbooks on a reimbursement basis for qualifying families and transportation to and from school.
As in previous years, child abuse, including sexual abuse, occurred occasionally, although victims rarely reported it. Trafficking of girls for commercial sexual exploitation was a problem. Children were also trafficked to Greece and Kosovo and within the country for begging and other forms of child labor in both formal and informal sectors.
Child marriage remained a problem in many Roma families and typically occurred when children were 13 or 14 years old.
Displaced and street children remained a problem, particularly Romani children, who made up 90 percent of street children. Street children begged or did petty work; some migrated to neighboring countries, particularly during the summer. These children were at highest risk of internal trafficking and some became trafficking victims.
Trafficking in Persons
The law prohibits trafficking in persons for all purposes and provides penalties for traffickers; however, individuals and organized crime syndicates trafficked persons, particularly women and children, from and within the country.
The country was a source country for men, women, and children trafficked for the purposes of sexual exploitation and forced labor, including forced begging and agricultural work. Victims were trafficked primarily to Greece, but also to Italy, Macedonia, Kosovo, Spain, France, the United Kingdom, and other West European countries as well as within the country.
Trafficking in persons is punishable by law, with criminal penalties ranging from five to 15 years in prison for sex trafficking offenses and from four to 15 years for labor trafficking. Fines from 50,000 to four million lek ($500 to $40,000) accompany prison sentences in criminal cases. Civil remedies are also available.
During the year the government increased its investigations and prosecutions for trafficking in persons offenses. By year's end, police referred 14 new trafficking cases to the General Prosecutor's Office, a decline from the previous year, when authorities investigated 20 persons on trafficking charges. The Prosecution Office for Serious Crimes has 24 cases under proceedings; seven of these were registered during the year. Authorities referred five cases to the Serious Crimes Court; the court prosecuted 31 persons, convicting 11 of trafficking. The court sentenced seven offenders to between 15 and 16 1/2 years in prison; it fined six offenders seven million lek ($70,000).
In separate cases during the year, the Supreme Court reversed the convictions of three traffickers on several grounds, including the prohibition on the alleged victims--the convicted traffickers' wives--testifying against them in court.
The government continued its slow implementation of the national action plan to provide services to victims of trafficking. The government provided limited services to trafficking victims, operating a shelter near Tirana; however, it did not provide financial assistance to the four nongovernment shelters.
The National Strategy on the Fight against Trafficking in Human Beings was the primary vehicle through which the government addressed trafficking. Through the strategy, the government offered training to 270 personnel and sponsored dozens of public awareness campaigns during the year to prevent trafficking.
The Department of State's annual Trafficking in Persons Report can be found at www.state.gov/g/tip.
Persons with Disabilities
The constitution and law prohibit discrimination against persons with disabilities; however, employers, schools, health care providers, and providers of other state services sometimes discriminated against persons with disabilities. The law mandates that new public buildings be accessible to persons with disabilities, but the government only sporadically enforced the law. Widespread poverty, unregulated working conditions, and poor medical care posed significant problems for many persons with disabilities.
During the year the ombudsman continued to inspect mental health institutions and found that physical conditions in facilities in Vlora and Shkoder were improved. However, the ombudsman also found these same facilities were understaffed and poorly supplied and that hygienic and sanitary conditions were unacceptable. The ombudsman, who conducted inspections in 2008 and 2009 in Elbasan, Shkoder, and Vlore, recommended a major legal, organizational, and budgetary review of the country's mental health care system. A special report on the status of mental health treatment was sent to parliament in June 2008; however, no action had been taken. The admission and release of patients at mental health institutions was a problem due to lack of sufficient financial resources to provide adequate psychiatric evaluations.
The electoral code provides for wheelchair-accessible voting booths and special accommodations for blind persons to vote. According to ODIHR, more than 2,000 voters with disabilities who lacked a valid passport could not apply for a new identification card because application centers were difficult or impossible to access. Homebound voters also were not able to apply, as there were no mobile application workstations. After a slow start, ballots for the blind were available for the June 28 elections but were missing in some voting centers.
National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities
There were reports of societal discrimination. As visible minorities, members of the Romani and Balkan Egyptian communities suffered significant societal abuse and discrimination.
The law permits official minority status for national groups and separately for ethnolinguistic groups. The government defined Greeks, Macedonians, and Montenegrins as national groups; Greeks constituted the largest of these. The law defined Aromanians (Vlachs) and Roma as ethnolinguistic minority groups.
In October the Council of Ministers approved the National Action Plan for the Roma and Egyptian Involvement Decade for the 2010-15 period. The total budget for implementing the five-year plan was expected to be nearly 2.5 billion lek ($25 million).
The ethnic Greek minority pursued grievances with the government regarding electoral zones, Greek-language education, property rights, and government documents. Minority leaders cited the government's unwillingness to recognize ethnic Greek towns outside Communist-era "minority zones"; to utilize Greek in official documents and on public signs in ethnic Greek areas; to ascertain the size of the ethnic Greek population; or to include a higher number of ethnic Greeks in public administration.
In April, Vasil Bollano, the ethnic Greek mayor of Himara was found guilty of abuse of office. He was sentenced to six months in prison, fined an estimated $5,000, and prohibited from holding public office for three years. The case was under appeal at year's end. The case originated in 2008, when Bollano was charged with destruction of government property after he ordered the removal of several new road signs in the Himara district because they were written in Albanian and English but not Greek.
Societal Abuses, Discrimination, and Acts of Violence Based on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity
There are no laws criminalizing sexual orientation, and the law does not differentiate between types of sexual relationships. There were few lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) organizations in the country, although their numbers and activities were starting to grow. The groups operated without interference from police or other state actors, largely because they generally were discrete. There were repeated reports that individuals were beaten, fired from their employment, or subjected to discrimination due to their sexual orientation. Often these cases went unreported.
In June a man allegedly murdered his brother due to his sexual orientation. The murderer pled guilty and was sentenced to eight years in prison. In August four men were arrested in Durres for prostitution and engaging in public sexual activity. The men claimed police discriminated against them, since police officers often did not arrest female prostitutes and their clients when apprehended. Without an antidiscrimination law, societal discrimination based on sexual orientation was a constant. There were several informal reports of harassment, denial of service, and employment discrimination due to sexual orientation. For example, homosexual customers were sometimes denied service in bars and restaurants. There were reports of LGBT persons being harassed on the streets. They often did not report criminal or civil offenses committed against them from fear of economic and physical reprisals. LGBT persons are not a protected class under the law. NGOs claimed that police routinely harassed homosexual persons.
Section 7 Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association
Workers have the right to form independent unions and they exercised this right in practice; however, the law prohibits members of the military and senior government officials from joining unions and requires that a trade union have at least 20 members to be registered. Approximately 15 percent of the workforce belonged to unions.
The law provides the right to strike for all workers except civil servants, and workers exercised this right in practice. Civil servants do not have the right to strike; this applies to the uniformed military, police, indispensable medical and hospital personnel, persons providing air traffic control and prison services, and both essential and nonessential workers in water and electrical utilities. The law prohibits strikes that courts judge to be political.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
Citizens in all fields of civilian employment have the constitutional right to organize and bargain collectively, and the law establishes procedures for the protection of workers' rights through collective bargaining agreements. However, labor unions operated from a weak position. In practice unions representing public sector employees negotiated directly with the government. Effective collective bargaining remained difficult, and agreements were hard to enforce.
During the year the parliament adopted a law requiring workers' representative bodies in enterprises with 20 or more employees to inform workers of all issues affecting them and their companies.
The law does not prohibit antiunion discrimination, and there were some reports of such occurrences. According to the Independent Trade Union of Textile, Garment, and Leather Workers, employers in the textile, garment, leather, and footwear sectors regarded trade unions as enemies. Reportedly, they threatened international relocation if workers unionized. In October the parliament passed a law that would sequester properties belonging to the country's trade unions. The International Federation of Chemical, Energy, Mine, and General Workers' Unions filed a lawsuit against this law.
The law established economic zones and industrial parks, and the government subsequently approved six industrial parks for development. As of January, these parks were in development.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor
The law prohibits forced or compulsory labor, including by children; however, women and children were trafficked for sexual exploitation and labor.
d. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment
The law criminalizes exploitation of children for labor or forced services; however, the government did not enforce the law effectively. According to a CRCA estimate released during the year, more than 50,000 children under 18 years of age worked either full or part time. The CRCA reported that the majority of child laborers worked as street or shop vendors, beggars, farmers or shepherds, drug runners, vehicle washers, textile factory workers, miners, or shoeshine boys. Research suggested that begging, whether forced or not, started at a young age--as early as four or five years--and was related to poverty and discrimination. Police generally ignored these practices. In January 2008 the criminal code was amended to include the exploitation of children for begging as a separate criminal offense.
The law sets the minimum age of employment at 14 years and regulates the amount and type of labor that children under the age of 18 may perform. Children between the ages of 14 and 16 may work legally in part-time jobs during summer vacation; children between the ages of 16 and 18 can work throughout the year in certain specified jobs. The law provides that the Ministry of Labor, Social Affairs, and Equal Opportunity is responsible for enforcing minimum age requirements through the courts; however, there were no reports that enforcement took place. Labor inspectors generally only investigated the formal labor sector, whereas most child labor occurred in the informal sector. The majority that they inspected were shoe and textile factories.
In March 2008 a massive explosion killed several illegally employed children at a munitions dump in the town of Gerdec. The explosion killed 26 persons and injured hundreds of others, some seriously.
The government, together with several NGOs and international donors, had some specific programs aimed at preventing illegal child labor.
During the year the Child Labor Unit at the Ministry of Labor continued implementing the second phase of its child labor monitoring initiative in the regions of Elbasan and Shkoder. As a result of those efforts, 315 children were withdrawn from various forms of employment and returned to school. In addition, the Ministry of Tourism established a code of conduct for preventing child sex tourism that was signed by 24 tourist agencies and hotels.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
The national minimum wage since May was 18,000 lek ($180) per month. However, it was not sufficient to provide a decent standard of living for a worker and family. According to INSTAT, the average wage for government workers was 42,000 lek ($420) per month. The Albanian Institute of Statistics also reported that average monthly wages in the public sector had increased 16 percent from 2008.
The Ministry of Labor, Social Affairs, and Equal Opportunity has the responsibility for enforcing minimum wage compliance.
The law establishes a 40-hour workweek; however, individual or collective agreements typically set the actual workweek. Many persons worked six days a week. The law requires payment of overtime and rest periods; however, employers did not always observe these provisions in practice. The government had no standards for a minimum number of rest periods per week, no limits on the maximum number of hours worked per week, and no regulations regarding premium pay for overtime; it did not prohibit excessive compulsory overtime.
The Ministry of Labor, Social Affairs, and Equal Opportunity is responsible for enforcing government occupational health and safety standards and regulations; however, enforcement was lacking overall. Workplace conditions were frequently very poor and in some cases dangerous. During the year the media reported a number of job-related deaths, particularly in the construction and mining industries. The chromium mines of Bulqiza continued to be among the most dangerous workplaces in the country, with at least 16 deaths reported from April 2007 to the end of the 2008. During the year miners at Bulqiza conducted a hunger strike to protest the poor working conditions; the miners suspended the strike to give the government time to draft proposals to improve work conditions and to pass a special miners' status bill. The government had not made a proposal by year's end.
The law does not provide workers the right to remove themselves from hazardous situations without jeopardy to their employment.
Thursday, March 11, 2010
Wednesday, March 10, 2010
Shërbimi i intelligjencës dhe politika e interesave.
Nga Taulant Malaj
Në lëmin e reformave dhe amendimeve që ligjet mbi veprimtarinë e institucioneve të ndryshme të shtetit, duket se SHISH është “viktima” e radhës. Për ta shndërruar në një shërbim i cili i shërben interesave kombëtare dhe mbrojtjes së sigurisë nacionale do të duhej që ky shërbim të raportonte para këshillit të Sigurisë Nacionale. Ky organ do të duhëj të ishte përgjegjës për miratimin e makro-politikave që shërbimi do të ndjekë duke përfshirë këtu edhe ligjshëmërinë e veprimeve dhe metodave që SHISH në vetvete do të duhët të përdorte. Parlamenti, duke qënë se Shqipëria është republikë parlamentare, do të duhet që me ligj të ketë të drejtën e informimit mbi aktivitetet e shërbimit gjë e cila do të duhet të ndodhë në séance të mbyllura përvec rasteve që duhen paraparë në ligj dhe kur natyra e informacionit të prezantuara nuk përbën rrezik për dekonspirimin e veprimeve të institucionit. Në këtë pikë duhet paraparë edhe selektimi i depuetëve, anëtarëve të Komisionit të Sigurisë pasi mund të ndodhë që informacioni të dalë dhe të përdoret për interesa të tjera të ndryshme nga ato të parapara.
Historikisht, shërbimi shqiptar i inteligjencës ka lënë një shije të hidhur jo vetëm për natyrën e veprimtarisë së tij por mbi të gjitha për nivelin e ulët professional të pjestarëve të tij. Pas 1990 ndër veprimet ë para të ndërmarra në kuadër të ndërrimit të sistemit politik ishte edhe “shkatërrimi” i ish-Sigurimit të Shtetit, një institucion i cili i kishte shërbyer me besnikëri pushtetit të 1945-1990. Ndërsa duket si një vëprim krejtësisht i justifikuar, mënyra se si “shndërrimi demokratik” i shërbimit të intelligjencës mori rrugë ishte një ndër gabimet më fatale që ndodhën në Shqipëri. Një shërbim i cili mori vite dhe dekada për tu përgatitur u shkatërruar si një shtëpi prëj letre sa hap e mbyll sytë duke bërë në të njëjtën kohë edhe dekonspirimin e burimeve të informacionit në botë dhe që shërbyen si burime mbështetëse të veprimeve të kundërintelligjencës.
Një ndër elementët kryesorë që duhet pasur parasysh në ndërtimin dhe menaxhimin e shërbimit kombëtar të intelligjences duhet të jetë selektimi mbi një baze të rreptë kërkesash dhe karakteristikash e pjestarëve të saj për të evituar infiltrimin e agjenturave të huaja. Gjatë viteve që nga 1990 pak është bërë në këtë drejtim. Fakti që shërbimet e intelligjencës së vendeve fqinje, por jo vetëm, kanë qënë prezente dhe aktive në Shqipëri flet për një punë të dobët të bërë nga strukturat drejtuese. SHISH, i cili duhet të përfaqësojë bashkimin e ajkës profesionale dhe të cilët udhëhiqen nga interesa kombëtare, u kthye në një ndër institucionet më famëkeqe dhe më të keqpërdorura gjatë 20 viteve të kaluara. Ndikimet dhe sulmet e vazhduara politike ndaj institucionit dhe udhëheqësve të saj kanë treguar se SHISH është një institucion i hapur ndaj ndikimeve politike, gjë e cila bie në kundërshtim të hapur me dokumentin më të rëndësishëm të shtetit-kushtetutën.
Natyrisht, projektligji i ri mbi natyren e shërbimit të inteligjencës përfshin të drejten dhe juridiksionin e SHISH për të vepruar jashtë kufinjve të Shqipërisë në kuadër të shërbimit të kunderinteligjences. Ajo që duket të jetë e pakuptimtë është pre-miratimi I veprimeve të tilla nga ana e kryeministrit te vendit. Duke pasur parasysh se posti i kryeministrit është një funksion politik dhe që ka nja mandat 4 vjecar në rastin me të mirë ngre pikëpyetje në lidhje me autoritetin që i jepet kryeministrit (pavarësisht se kush është ai/ajo) dhe mundesinë e përdorjes politike të SHISH si veprim koretezie ndaj homologëve. SHISH duhet që të mbrojë interesat kombëtare pjesë e një strategjie kombëtare, e cila mungon, dhe që duhet të jetë me efekte kohore më të gjata se 4 vjecare. Duke qënë e tillë është a pakuptimtë një varësi direkte e veprimtarisë së SHISH nga organet egzekutive. i vetmi organ vendimmarrës për SHISH duhet te jetë komiteti i sigurisë kombetare, ku si Presidenti i Republikës ashtu edhe Kryeministri janë pjestarë. Një institucion i tillë në kushtet e një demokracie funksionale dhe të shëndoshë do të siguronte pluralizëm të mendimit, gjithmonë brenda kornizës së strategjisë kombëtare dhe kushtetutës së vendit.
Duket se Neni 9 i projektligjit për ndryshimet “Për Shërbimin Informativ të Shtetit” dhe i cili parasheh që Shërbimi i”nformativ i Shtetit nuk kryen veprimtari të karakterit ushtarak ose policor” është një pararojë e frikës se institucioni dhe organet përbërëse të tij mund të përdoren në sensing negative. Problemi mund të dalë në rastet kur pjestarëve të shërbimit të inteligjencës do u duhet të ndërhyjnë në mënyrë të menjëhershme për të evituar ngjarje që cënojnë sigurinë kombëtare dhe ku pavarësisht natyrës dhe nivelit të bashkëpunimit mes agjencive dhe institucioneve nuk japin kohë për menyrën e veprimit bazuar në këtë projektligj. Ndalimet dhe shoqërimet e personave me interest ë marrjes së infromacionit kërkojnë në shumë raste mos përfshirjen e organeve policore dhe në këtë rast SISH duhet autorizuar me ligj të bëjë ndalime të tilla të cilat në fund të fundit janë pjesë e natyrës policore. Heqja e një të drejte të tillë bën që veprimet e SHISH të kontrollohen në sensin veprues nga Kryeminsitri ndërkohë që për veprimtarinë e tij i duhet të kalojë nëpër korridoret e Ministrise se Rendit i cili është po ashtu i kontrolluar nga nivelet politike.
E gjithë kjo panoramë dhe ndryshimet e bëra në projektligjin që pritet të miratohet cojnë ujë në mullirin e gabuar sepse i japin SHISH një varësi të hapur politike ndërkohë që siguria kombëtare nuk duhet të jetë politikisht e motivuar. Aleancat me shtetet e huaja nuk duhet të jenë fluide dhe që ndryshojnë varësisht nga predispozicioni i një funksionari.
Në lëmin e reformave dhe amendimeve që ligjet mbi veprimtarinë e institucioneve të ndryshme të shtetit, duket se SHISH është “viktima” e radhës. Për ta shndërruar në një shërbim i cili i shërben interesave kombëtare dhe mbrojtjes së sigurisë nacionale do të duhej që ky shërbim të raportonte para këshillit të Sigurisë Nacionale. Ky organ do të duhëj të ishte përgjegjës për miratimin e makro-politikave që shërbimi do të ndjekë duke përfshirë këtu edhe ligjshëmërinë e veprimeve dhe metodave që SHISH në vetvete do të duhët të përdorte. Parlamenti, duke qënë se Shqipëria është republikë parlamentare, do të duhet që me ligj të ketë të drejtën e informimit mbi aktivitetet e shërbimit gjë e cila do të duhet të ndodhë në séance të mbyllura përvec rasteve që duhen paraparë në ligj dhe kur natyra e informacionit të prezantuara nuk përbën rrezik për dekonspirimin e veprimeve të institucionit. Në këtë pikë duhet paraparë edhe selektimi i depuetëve, anëtarëve të Komisionit të Sigurisë pasi mund të ndodhë që informacioni të dalë dhe të përdoret për interesa të tjera të ndryshme nga ato të parapara.
Historikisht, shërbimi shqiptar i inteligjencës ka lënë një shije të hidhur jo vetëm për natyrën e veprimtarisë së tij por mbi të gjitha për nivelin e ulët professional të pjestarëve të tij. Pas 1990 ndër veprimet ë para të ndërmarra në kuadër të ndërrimit të sistemit politik ishte edhe “shkatërrimi” i ish-Sigurimit të Shtetit, një institucion i cili i kishte shërbyer me besnikëri pushtetit të 1945-1990. Ndërsa duket si një vëprim krejtësisht i justifikuar, mënyra se si “shndërrimi demokratik” i shërbimit të intelligjencës mori rrugë ishte një ndër gabimet më fatale që ndodhën në Shqipëri. Një shërbim i cili mori vite dhe dekada për tu përgatitur u shkatërruar si një shtëpi prëj letre sa hap e mbyll sytë duke bërë në të njëjtën kohë edhe dekonspirimin e burimeve të informacionit në botë dhe që shërbyen si burime mbështetëse të veprimeve të kundërintelligjencës.
Një ndër elementët kryesorë që duhet pasur parasysh në ndërtimin dhe menaxhimin e shërbimit kombëtar të intelligjences duhet të jetë selektimi mbi një baze të rreptë kërkesash dhe karakteristikash e pjestarëve të saj për të evituar infiltrimin e agjenturave të huaja. Gjatë viteve që nga 1990 pak është bërë në këtë drejtim. Fakti që shërbimet e intelligjencës së vendeve fqinje, por jo vetëm, kanë qënë prezente dhe aktive në Shqipëri flet për një punë të dobët të bërë nga strukturat drejtuese. SHISH, i cili duhet të përfaqësojë bashkimin e ajkës profesionale dhe të cilët udhëhiqen nga interesa kombëtare, u kthye në një ndër institucionet më famëkeqe dhe më të keqpërdorura gjatë 20 viteve të kaluara. Ndikimet dhe sulmet e vazhduara politike ndaj institucionit dhe udhëheqësve të saj kanë treguar se SHISH është një institucion i hapur ndaj ndikimeve politike, gjë e cila bie në kundërshtim të hapur me dokumentin më të rëndësishëm të shtetit-kushtetutën.
Natyrisht, projektligji i ri mbi natyren e shërbimit të inteligjencës përfshin të drejten dhe juridiksionin e SHISH për të vepruar jashtë kufinjve të Shqipërisë në kuadër të shërbimit të kunderinteligjences. Ajo që duket të jetë e pakuptimtë është pre-miratimi I veprimeve të tilla nga ana e kryeministrit te vendit. Duke pasur parasysh se posti i kryeministrit është një funksion politik dhe që ka nja mandat 4 vjecar në rastin me të mirë ngre pikëpyetje në lidhje me autoritetin që i jepet kryeministrit (pavarësisht se kush është ai/ajo) dhe mundesinë e përdorjes politike të SHISH si veprim koretezie ndaj homologëve. SHISH duhet që të mbrojë interesat kombëtare pjesë e një strategjie kombëtare, e cila mungon, dhe që duhet të jetë me efekte kohore më të gjata se 4 vjecare. Duke qënë e tillë është a pakuptimtë një varësi direkte e veprimtarisë së SHISH nga organet egzekutive. i vetmi organ vendimmarrës për SHISH duhet te jetë komiteti i sigurisë kombetare, ku si Presidenti i Republikës ashtu edhe Kryeministri janë pjestarë. Një institucion i tillë në kushtet e një demokracie funksionale dhe të shëndoshë do të siguronte pluralizëm të mendimit, gjithmonë brenda kornizës së strategjisë kombëtare dhe kushtetutës së vendit.
Duket se Neni 9 i projektligjit për ndryshimet “Për Shërbimin Informativ të Shtetit” dhe i cili parasheh që Shërbimi i”nformativ i Shtetit nuk kryen veprimtari të karakterit ushtarak ose policor” është një pararojë e frikës se institucioni dhe organet përbërëse të tij mund të përdoren në sensing negative. Problemi mund të dalë në rastet kur pjestarëve të shërbimit të inteligjencës do u duhet të ndërhyjnë në mënyrë të menjëhershme për të evituar ngjarje që cënojnë sigurinë kombëtare dhe ku pavarësisht natyrës dhe nivelit të bashkëpunimit mes agjencive dhe institucioneve nuk japin kohë për menyrën e veprimit bazuar në këtë projektligj. Ndalimet dhe shoqërimet e personave me interest ë marrjes së infromacionit kërkojnë në shumë raste mos përfshirjen e organeve policore dhe në këtë rast SISH duhet autorizuar me ligj të bëjë ndalime të tilla të cilat në fund të fundit janë pjesë e natyrës policore. Heqja e një të drejte të tillë bën që veprimet e SHISH të kontrollohen në sensin veprues nga Kryeminsitri ndërkohë që për veprimtarinë e tij i duhet të kalojë nëpër korridoret e Ministrise se Rendit i cili është po ashtu i kontrolluar nga nivelet politike.
E gjithë kjo panoramë dhe ndryshimet e bëra në projektligjin që pritet të miratohet cojnë ujë në mullirin e gabuar sepse i japin SHISH një varësi të hapur politike ndërkohë që siguria kombëtare nuk duhet të jetë politikisht e motivuar. Aleancat me shtetet e huaja nuk duhet të jenë fluide dhe që ndryshojnë varësisht nga predispozicioni i një funksionari.
Tuesday, February 23, 2010
Tre skenaret e zgjdihjes se krizes
TIRANE – Pas takimit te zhvilluar në Presidencë mes Kryeministrit Sali Berisha dhe kryetarit të Partisë Socialiste Edi Rama, në praninë e Presidentit dhe delegacionit prej dhjetë anëtarësh të Asamblesë Parlamentare të Këshillit të Europës, palet kane rene dakord te vazhdojne diskutimet ne tri skenare te mundshme per zgjidhjen e krizes.
I pari që ka lënë Presidencën, ka qenë kryeministri Sali Berisha i shoqëruar nga Astrit Patozi, ndërsa më pas ka dalë Edi Rama i shoqeruar nga Gramoz Ruçi.
Burime të konfirmuara nga takimi thanë se në praninë e përfaqësisë së lartë të APKiE, gjatë takimit janë diskutuar disa skenare të mundshme për zgjidhjen e krizës:
1.Hapje e pjesëshme e kutive të 28 qershorit,
2.Hapje e kutive për të cilat nuk ka vendim Gjykate (nga Kolegji Zgjedhor)
3.Dergimi në Komisionin e Venecias i vendimit të Gjykatës Kushtetuese për Komisionet Hetimore për të shqyrtuar nëse komisione të tilla mund të marrin vendim për hapjen e kutive të shqyrtuara nga Kolegji Zgjedhor.
Zyrtarisht konfirmpohet se bidesimet do të vazhdojnë por axhenda dhe kohëzgjatja e tyre nuk është ende e qartë. Zyra per media e Presidences, tha se negociatat do te vazhdojne me 23 shkurt 2010 kur palet pritet te kene te tjera takime ne prani te delegacionit te APKiE dhe Presidentit te Republikes. (lajmifundit)
I pari që ka lënë Presidencën, ka qenë kryeministri Sali Berisha i shoqëruar nga Astrit Patozi, ndërsa më pas ka dalë Edi Rama i shoqeruar nga Gramoz Ruçi.
Burime të konfirmuara nga takimi thanë se në praninë e përfaqësisë së lartë të APKiE, gjatë takimit janë diskutuar disa skenare të mundshme për zgjidhjen e krizës:
1.Hapje e pjesëshme e kutive të 28 qershorit,
2.Hapje e kutive për të cilat nuk ka vendim Gjykate (nga Kolegji Zgjedhor)
3.Dergimi në Komisionin e Venecias i vendimit të Gjykatës Kushtetuese për Komisionet Hetimore për të shqyrtuar nëse komisione të tilla mund të marrin vendim për hapjen e kutive të shqyrtuara nga Kolegji Zgjedhor.
Zyrtarisht konfirmpohet se bidesimet do të vazhdojnë por axhenda dhe kohëzgjatja e tyre nuk është ende e qartë. Zyra per media e Presidences, tha se negociatat do te vazhdojne me 23 shkurt 2010 kur palet pritet te kene te tjera takime ne prani te delegacionit te APKiE dhe Presidentit te Republikes. (lajmifundit)
Friday, February 19, 2010
DEBATE NË KËSHILLIN BASHKIAK, AKUZA RAMËS PËR BUXHETIN
TIRANE – Buxheti i Bashkisë së Tiranës shkaktoi debate të ashpra sot në mbledhjen e Këshillit Bashkiak të kryeqytetit.
Këshilltari demokrat Ferdinand Poni hodhi dyshime mbi buxhetin duke thënë se ai nuk është i mbështetur dhe i pasqyruar plotësisht në dokumentacion.
“Në këtë buxhet mungon një gjë shumë e rëndësishme, paqryra e taksave vendore që janë të ardhurat që mblidhen nga Bashkia e Tiranës”, tha Poni. Ai shtoi se në projektbuxhet mungon pesha e secilës taksë dhe një përkthim i këtyre zërave në investime.
Ndërkohë kryetari i Këshillit Bashkiak Sokol Dervishaj, anëtar i LSI-së, kërkoi që kryetarii Bashkisë Edi Rama të paraqitet ne mbledhje dhe të raportojë për buxhetin pasi ligji kërkon që ai ta bëjë këtë njëherë në gjashtë muaj. (Lajmifundit)
Këshilltari demokrat Ferdinand Poni hodhi dyshime mbi buxhetin duke thënë se ai nuk është i mbështetur dhe i pasqyruar plotësisht në dokumentacion.
“Në këtë buxhet mungon një gjë shumë e rëndësishme, paqryra e taksave vendore që janë të ardhurat që mblidhen nga Bashkia e Tiranës”, tha Poni. Ai shtoi se në projektbuxhet mungon pesha e secilës taksë dhe një përkthim i këtyre zërave në investime.
Ndërkohë kryetari i Këshillit Bashkiak Sokol Dervishaj, anëtar i LSI-së, kërkoi që kryetarii Bashkisë Edi Rama të paraqitet ne mbledhje dhe të raportojë për buxhetin pasi ligji kërkon që ai ta bëjë këtë njëherë në gjashtë muaj. (Lajmifundit)
BERISHA: GATI TË HETOJMË ÇDO GJË, VEÇ VENDIMEVE TË GJYKATAVE
TIRANE - Kryeministri Sali Berisha deklaroi se Shtetet e Bashkuara të Amerikës kanë vlerësuar zgjedhjet ashtu sikurse zyrtarët e organizmave evropiane.
Duke folur në Kuvend, Berisha tha se ka patur një deklaratë të Presidentit të Asamblesë së OSBE-së i cili ka treguar interes të veçantë për zhvillimin e zgjedhjeve në Shqipëri. “Ai preku vet gjitha pregatitjet serioze që bëheshin për zgjedhjet dhe që bëri vlerësimin e tij objektiv në mbledhjen e OSBE-së në Athinë. Në deklaratën e tij për të cilën dua ta falënderoj, presidenti Soares, i referohet gjërësisht konkluzioneve të raportit përfundimtar të OSBE/ODIHR-it në Shqipëri. I bën thirrje opozitës shqiptare që t’i japë fund menjëherë bojkotit e të zërë vendet në parlament. Sikundër presidenti Soares mirëpret vullnetin e mazhorancës dhe opozitës për ngritjen e një komisioni hetimor parlamentar për hetimin e plotë të zgjedhjeve në respekt të plotë të kushtetutës së vendit dhe vendimeve të Gjykatës Kushtetuese”, theksoi Berisha. Jam këtu, vijoi ai, për të garantuar OSBE-në për vullnetin e plotë të mazhorancës për tu angazhuar në reforma të thella e të gjithanshme me opozitën, për të respektuar të drejtën e saj për komisionin hetimor parlamentar dhe për të hetuar çdo gjë tjetër përveç atyre problemeve të cilat kanë vendosur gjykatat. (Lajmifundit)
Duke folur në Kuvend, Berisha tha se ka patur një deklaratë të Presidentit të Asamblesë së OSBE-së i cili ka treguar interes të veçantë për zhvillimin e zgjedhjeve në Shqipëri. “Ai preku vet gjitha pregatitjet serioze që bëheshin për zgjedhjet dhe që bëri vlerësimin e tij objektiv në mbledhjen e OSBE-së në Athinë. Në deklaratën e tij për të cilën dua ta falënderoj, presidenti Soares, i referohet gjërësisht konkluzioneve të raportit përfundimtar të OSBE/ODIHR-it në Shqipëri. I bën thirrje opozitës shqiptare që t’i japë fund menjëherë bojkotit e të zërë vendet në parlament. Sikundër presidenti Soares mirëpret vullnetin e mazhorancës dhe opozitës për ngritjen e një komisioni hetimor parlamentar për hetimin e plotë të zgjedhjeve në respekt të plotë të kushtetutës së vendit dhe vendimeve të Gjykatës Kushtetuese”, theksoi Berisha. Jam këtu, vijoi ai, për të garantuar OSBE-në për vullnetin e plotë të mazhorancës për tu angazhuar në reforma të thella e të gjithanshme me opozitën, për të respektuar të drejtën e saj për komisionin hetimor parlamentar dhe për të hetuar çdo gjë tjetër përveç atyre problemeve të cilat kanë vendosur gjykatat. (Lajmifundit)
META: RAMA KA FRYMËZIME KAOTIKE, NUK BASHKËPUNON ME BERISHËN DHE TOPIN
Zëvendëskryeministri Ilir Meta tha sot se në vend që të bashkëpunojë me kryeministrin, Presidentin dhe komunitetin
ndërkombëtar, kreu i Partisë Socialiste Edi Rama kalon në frymëzime kaotike që skanë lidhje me një vend demokratik.
“Nuk e di se në cilin vend të Bashkimit Evropian qënkan rihapur kutitë nga një komision parlamentar hetimor pasi çështjet janë mbyllur nga gjykatat”, theksoi Meta.
Ai përshëndeti deklaratat e fundit të presidentit të Asamblesë Parlamentare të OSBE-së. Me qëndrimet e tij, tha Meta, kreu i opozitës po sfidon ndërkombëtarët dhe kjo është një rrugë e gabuar. (Lajmifundit)
ndërkombëtar, kreu i Partisë Socialiste Edi Rama kalon në frymëzime kaotike që skanë lidhje me një vend demokratik.
“Nuk e di se në cilin vend të Bashkimit Evropian qënkan rihapur kutitë nga një komision parlamentar hetimor pasi çështjet janë mbyllur nga gjykatat”, theksoi Meta.
Ai përshëndeti deklaratat e fundit të presidentit të Asamblesë Parlamentare të OSBE-së. Me qëndrimet e tij, tha Meta, kreu i opozitës po sfidon ndërkombëtarët dhe kjo është një rrugë e gabuar. (Lajmifundit)
Tuesday, June 16, 2009
Te drejtat e njeriut dhe realiteti EU-Ballkan
Nga Taulant Malaj, MDY
Politika ballkanike, dhe per rrjedhoje edhe banoret e ketij rajoni te Europes, jane perfshire ditet e fundit ne nje mori deklaratash qe vine nga zyrat e Bashkimit Europian. Maratona e gjate ne te cilen keto vende kane marre pjese me synim anetaresimin ne bllokun e vendeve te zhvilluara te kontinentit “plake” u ka dhene mundesine shume figurave politike qe per arsye te interesave te tyre te ngushta ne politke te spekullojne me ato qe thuhen.
Nder vendet qe aspirojne te hyne ne EU persa i perket perkrahjes popullore, Shqiperia ze vendin e pare nderkohe llogaritjet mbi standartet e percaktuara per nje anetaresim te tille ka me teper se 10 vjet qe thuhet se nuk jane plotesuar. Ndersa ky konstatim ka nje doze te larte realiteti per shkak te paaftesise se klases politike shqiptare per te permbushur standartet e zhvillimit demokratik, anetaresimi i disa vendeve qe i perkisnin bllokut ish-socialist tregoi se “standartet” kane te EUjne me interesat strategjike qe vendet e EU kane ne raport me keto vende.
Shqiperia ne menyre te vazhdueshme eshte kritikuar per nivelin e larte te korrupsionit, krimit dhe papergjeshmerise politike. Te gjitha keto qendrojne dhe eshte koha qe te gjithe klasa politike te kuptoje se ka ardhur koha te shikojne nga elektorati qe I ka mEUshtetur gjate ketyre 15 viteve, kohe ne te cilen shume politikane qe ngrene zerin perballe kamerave kane arritur te krijojne monopole ekonomike, te sigurojne mbrojtje per grupe kriminale dhe si rrjedhim te ngrene perandori ekonomike qe investojne edhe ne vendet e EU. Por sa te vlefshme jane keto kritika, dhe a eshte e drejte qe 3 milion shqiptare te privohen nga te drejtat themeltare te njeriut te cilat jane te parapara edhe ne dokumentat me te rendesishme qe qeverite perendimore synojne ti aplikojne ne Lindjen e Mesme, nje rajon qe mesa duket nuk do ti aplikoje?
Bazuar ne Nenin 13 te Deklarates Universale te te Drejtave te Njeriut : Cdokush ka te drejtene levizjes dhe te qendrimit brenda kufinjve te secilit shtet. Cdokush ka te drejte te largohet nga cdo shtet, perfshire edhe shtetin e vet, dhe te kthehet ne vendin e vet”. Eshte e kuptueshme qe nje levizje e tille ndodh me mirekuptimin dhe marerveshjet ndermjet shteteve. Kjo do te thote se shtetet duhet tu mundesojne shtetasve cdo element qe siguron te drejten e levizjes se lire. Ajo qe shqipetaret kerkojne eshte thjesht te trajtohen sic do banor I EUropes, kontinent te cilit Shqiperia i dha ndihmen e saj mbase modeste gjate historise ( kontributi i dhene ne luften kunder perhapjes se perandorise turke, pjesmarrja ne luften e Spanjes, kontributi kunder fashizmit dhe Gjermanise naziste etc) dhe qe ne fakt mori vetem padrejtesi (ndarja e tokave shqiptare).
Ajo qe Brukseli pretendon eshte e drejte: pse duhet te merremi dhe ti shtojme vetes probleme duke anetaresuar ne vend qeverite e te cilit nuk duan te luftojne kriminalitetin dhe korrupsionin, nje vend qeverite e te cilit jane ne sherbim te krimit te organizuar dhe jo te qytetareve te cileve u kerkohet vota me investime te rreme?! E drejte, por a kane shume kontrast qeverite e Sofjes, Shkupit, EUogradit apo Podgorices? Niveli I korrupsionit ne Bullgari ishte aq I madh saqe vitin e kaluar vendet anetare te Bashkimit EUropian kercenuan Sofjen se nese nuk lufton sic duhet korrupsionin atehere do te perballet me sanksione te cilat pervec ekonomike mund te ishin edhe politike deri ne nxjerrjen jashte Unionit. E gjitha kjo po ndodhte ne nje vend qe eshte anetar i EU. Kjo tregon qe korrupsioni dhe krimi i organizuar jane pjese e EU ne vetvete. Atehere pse arsyetohet Brukseli me nivelin e larte te korrupsionit dhe krimit te organizuar ne Shqiperi nderkohe qe Italia njihet boterisht si vendi ne te cilin Mafia nuk blen qeverite sepse eshte qeveria vete?!
E gjitha kjo panorame tregon se anetaresimi ne EU nuk ka te EUje me permbushje standartesh por ka te EUje me deshiren e bazuar ne interesa gjeostrategjike qe vendet e EU kane ne rajon dhe ndaj vendeve te caktuara. Shkupi ka probleme etnike dhe nese nuk lejohet levizja e lire me EU atehere rrezikon shperEUrjen nga presionet e brendeshme (gje te cilen shqiptaret nuk e pranuan kur u propozua nga Akademia e Shkencave e Maqedonise), Podgorica eshte kthyer ne nje oaze investimi per ruset dhe kjo perEUn rrezik per perhapjen e hegjemonise ruse ne rajon, EUogradi duke qene kryeqyteti me I madh I rajonit dhe duke pasur parasysh problemin e Kosoves I ofrohet mundesia e levizjes se lire si barazpeshe megjithese te tre vendet e permenduar me lart e kane gezuar nje status te tille gjate viteve te qeverisjes se Titos.
Ajo qe eshte shqetesuese mEUtet fakti se Shqiperia, Bosnja dhe Kosova jane vendet te cilat zyrtaret e Bashkimit Europian I referohen si grupi i dyte. Ne fakt bazuar edhe ne raportimin e “Lajmifundit” shihet se Shqiperia eshte ne nivelet e 30 perqindeshit ne shkallen e percaktuar per permbushjen e standarteve. Paveresisht asaj qe qeverite propagandojne nder vite dhe “punes se tyre” duket sikur standartet ndryshojne cdo dite duke u EUret e veshtira saqe te mos arrihen.
Nje tjeter element eshte fakti se te tre vendet e lena ne grupin e dyte kane nje karakteristike qe vendet e tjera te Europes nuk e kane: perqindja e larte EUsimtareve muslimane. Ne fakt te tre keto vende jane me shumice muslimane bazuar ne te dhenat zyrtare. Duke qene se korrupsioni dhe reformat nuk ishin problem per Bullgarine te anetaresohej ne EU, apo per Shkupin ti ofrohet mundesia e levizjes se lire apo EUogradit si hartues dhe zbatues I krimeve qe tronditen boten dhe shkaterruan nocionin e jetes per miliona ne Ballkan, atehere a mos valle EU nuk do te anetaresoje Shqiperine, Bosnjen apo edhe Kosoven per shkak te shumices muslimane qe mbizoteron popullsite e tyre?
Politika ballkanike, dhe per rrjedhoje edhe banoret e ketij rajoni te Europes, jane perfshire ditet e fundit ne nje mori deklaratash qe vine nga zyrat e Bashkimit Europian. Maratona e gjate ne te cilen keto vende kane marre pjese me synim anetaresimin ne bllokun e vendeve te zhvilluara te kontinentit “plake” u ka dhene mundesine shume figurave politike qe per arsye te interesave te tyre te ngushta ne politke te spekullojne me ato qe thuhen.
Nder vendet qe aspirojne te hyne ne EU persa i perket perkrahjes popullore, Shqiperia ze vendin e pare nderkohe llogaritjet mbi standartet e percaktuara per nje anetaresim te tille ka me teper se 10 vjet qe thuhet se nuk jane plotesuar. Ndersa ky konstatim ka nje doze te larte realiteti per shkak te paaftesise se klases politike shqiptare per te permbushur standartet e zhvillimit demokratik, anetaresimi i disa vendeve qe i perkisnin bllokut ish-socialist tregoi se “standartet” kane te EUjne me interesat strategjike qe vendet e EU kane ne raport me keto vende.
Shqiperia ne menyre te vazhdueshme eshte kritikuar per nivelin e larte te korrupsionit, krimit dhe papergjeshmerise politike. Te gjitha keto qendrojne dhe eshte koha qe te gjithe klasa politike te kuptoje se ka ardhur koha te shikojne nga elektorati qe I ka mEUshtetur gjate ketyre 15 viteve, kohe ne te cilen shume politikane qe ngrene zerin perballe kamerave kane arritur te krijojne monopole ekonomike, te sigurojne mbrojtje per grupe kriminale dhe si rrjedhim te ngrene perandori ekonomike qe investojne edhe ne vendet e EU. Por sa te vlefshme jane keto kritika, dhe a eshte e drejte qe 3 milion shqiptare te privohen nga te drejtat themeltare te njeriut te cilat jane te parapara edhe ne dokumentat me te rendesishme qe qeverite perendimore synojne ti aplikojne ne Lindjen e Mesme, nje rajon qe mesa duket nuk do ti aplikoje?
Bazuar ne Nenin 13 te Deklarates Universale te te Drejtave te Njeriut : Cdokush ka te drejtene levizjes dhe te qendrimit brenda kufinjve te secilit shtet. Cdokush ka te drejte te largohet nga cdo shtet, perfshire edhe shtetin e vet, dhe te kthehet ne vendin e vet”. Eshte e kuptueshme qe nje levizje e tille ndodh me mirekuptimin dhe marerveshjet ndermjet shteteve. Kjo do te thote se shtetet duhet tu mundesojne shtetasve cdo element qe siguron te drejten e levizjes se lire. Ajo qe shqipetaret kerkojne eshte thjesht te trajtohen sic do banor I EUropes, kontinent te cilit Shqiperia i dha ndihmen e saj mbase modeste gjate historise ( kontributi i dhene ne luften kunder perhapjes se perandorise turke, pjesmarrja ne luften e Spanjes, kontributi kunder fashizmit dhe Gjermanise naziste etc) dhe qe ne fakt mori vetem padrejtesi (ndarja e tokave shqiptare).
Ajo qe Brukseli pretendon eshte e drejte: pse duhet te merremi dhe ti shtojme vetes probleme duke anetaresuar ne vend qeverite e te cilit nuk duan te luftojne kriminalitetin dhe korrupsionin, nje vend qeverite e te cilit jane ne sherbim te krimit te organizuar dhe jo te qytetareve te cileve u kerkohet vota me investime te rreme?! E drejte, por a kane shume kontrast qeverite e Sofjes, Shkupit, EUogradit apo Podgorices? Niveli I korrupsionit ne Bullgari ishte aq I madh saqe vitin e kaluar vendet anetare te Bashkimit EUropian kercenuan Sofjen se nese nuk lufton sic duhet korrupsionin atehere do te perballet me sanksione te cilat pervec ekonomike mund te ishin edhe politike deri ne nxjerrjen jashte Unionit. E gjitha kjo po ndodhte ne nje vend qe eshte anetar i EU. Kjo tregon qe korrupsioni dhe krimi i organizuar jane pjese e EU ne vetvete. Atehere pse arsyetohet Brukseli me nivelin e larte te korrupsionit dhe krimit te organizuar ne Shqiperi nderkohe qe Italia njihet boterisht si vendi ne te cilin Mafia nuk blen qeverite sepse eshte qeveria vete?!
E gjitha kjo panorame tregon se anetaresimi ne EU nuk ka te EUje me permbushje standartesh por ka te EUje me deshiren e bazuar ne interesa gjeostrategjike qe vendet e EU kane ne rajon dhe ndaj vendeve te caktuara. Shkupi ka probleme etnike dhe nese nuk lejohet levizja e lire me EU atehere rrezikon shperEUrjen nga presionet e brendeshme (gje te cilen shqiptaret nuk e pranuan kur u propozua nga Akademia e Shkencave e Maqedonise), Podgorica eshte kthyer ne nje oaze investimi per ruset dhe kjo perEUn rrezik per perhapjen e hegjemonise ruse ne rajon, EUogradi duke qene kryeqyteti me I madh I rajonit dhe duke pasur parasysh problemin e Kosoves I ofrohet mundesia e levizjes se lire si barazpeshe megjithese te tre vendet e permenduar me lart e kane gezuar nje status te tille gjate viteve te qeverisjes se Titos.
Ajo qe eshte shqetesuese mEUtet fakti se Shqiperia, Bosnja dhe Kosova jane vendet te cilat zyrtaret e Bashkimit Europian I referohen si grupi i dyte. Ne fakt bazuar edhe ne raportimin e “Lajmifundit” shihet se Shqiperia eshte ne nivelet e 30 perqindeshit ne shkallen e percaktuar per permbushjen e standarteve. Paveresisht asaj qe qeverite propagandojne nder vite dhe “punes se tyre” duket sikur standartet ndryshojne cdo dite duke u EUret e veshtira saqe te mos arrihen.
Nje tjeter element eshte fakti se te tre vendet e lena ne grupin e dyte kane nje karakteristike qe vendet e tjera te Europes nuk e kane: perqindja e larte EUsimtareve muslimane. Ne fakt te tre keto vende jane me shumice muslimane bazuar ne te dhenat zyrtare. Duke qene se korrupsioni dhe reformat nuk ishin problem per Bullgarine te anetaresohej ne EU, apo per Shkupin ti ofrohet mundesia e levizjes se lire apo EUogradit si hartues dhe zbatues I krimeve qe tronditen boten dhe shkaterruan nocionin e jetes per miliona ne Ballkan, atehere a mos valle EU nuk do te anetaresoje Shqiperine, Bosnjen apo edhe Kosoven per shkak te shumices muslimane qe mbizoteron popullsite e tyre?
Thursday, June 4, 2009
A NEW BEGINNING
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
ON A NEW BEGINNING
Cairo University
Cairo, Egypt
June 4, 2009
1:10 P.M. (Local)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you very much. Good afternoon. I am honored
to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning; and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum. (Applause.)
We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the
world -- tension rooted historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and
cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.
Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of
Muslims. The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these
extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view
Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.
So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who
sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.
I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims
around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon
the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition.
Instead, they overlap, and share common principles -- principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.
I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. I know there's been a lot of
publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." (Applause.) That is what I will try to do today -- to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.
Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I'm a Christian, but my
father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I
spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and
at the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many
found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.
As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam -- at places like Al-Azhar -- that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities -- (applause) -- it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality. (Applause.)
I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to
recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers -- Thomas Jefferson -- kept in his personal library. (Applause.)
So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and
Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my
responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear. (Applause.)
But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. (Applause.) Just
as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a selfinterested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words -- within our borders, and around the world.
We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a
simple concept: E pluribus unum -- "Out of many, one."
Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name Barack
Hussein Obama could be elected President. (Applause.) But my personal story is not so
unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in
America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores -- and that includes nearly
7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and
educational levels that are higher than the American average. (Applause.)
Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion.
That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within
our borders. That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the
right of women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny it.
(Applause.)
So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds
within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share
common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with
dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share.
This is the hope of all humanity.
Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words
alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly
in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our
failure to meet them will hurt us all.
For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one
country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are
at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all
nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are
endangered across an ocean. When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that
is a stain on our collective conscience. (Applause.) That is what it means to share this
world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human
beings.
And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a
record of nations and tribes -- and, yes, religions -- subjugating one another in pursuit of
their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our
interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over
another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners
to it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; our progress must be shared.
(Applause.)
Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the
opposite: We must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as
clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally
confront together.
The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.
In Ankara, I made clear that America is not -- and never will be -- at war with Islam.
(Applause.) We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave
threat to our security -- because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject:
the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to
protect the American people.
The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work
together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with
broad international support. We did not go by choice; we went because of necessity. I'm
aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11. But
let us be clear: Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were
innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done
nothing to harm anybody. And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people,
claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive
scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These
are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.
Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We see no
military -- we seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young
men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would
gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were
not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many
Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.
And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries. And despite the costs
involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate
these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of
different faiths -- but more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are
irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam.
The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as -- it is as if he has killed all
mankind. (Applause.) And the Holy Koran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if
he has saved all mankind. (Applause.) The enduring faith of over a billion people is so
much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in
combating violent extremism -- it is an important part of promoting peace.
Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in
Afghanistan and Pakistan. That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the
next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and
businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced. That's why we
are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver
services that people depend on.
Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that
provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that
the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also
believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build
international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. (Applause.) Indeed,
we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will
grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be."
Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future -- and to
leave Iraq to Iraqis. And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people -- (applause) -- I have
made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory
or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. And that's why I ordered the removal of our
combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's
democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July,
and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012. (Applause.) We will help Iraq train
its security forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq
as a partner, and never as a patron.
And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never
alter or forget our principles. Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country. The
fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act
contrary to our traditions and our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change
course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I
have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year. (Applause.)
So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law.
And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened.
The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the
sooner we will all be safer.
The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between
Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.
America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based
upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish
homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.
Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in
Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald,
which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and
gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed -- more than the entire
Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is
hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction -- or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews --
is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of
memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people -- Muslims and
Christians -- have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than 60 years they've
endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza,
and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to
lead. They endure the daily humiliations -- large and small -- that come with occupation.
So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. And
America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity,
opportunity, and a state of their own. (Applause.)
For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations,
each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It's easy to point fingers --
for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for
Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its
borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other,
then we will be blind to the truth: The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides
to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and
security. (Applause.)
That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest.
And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and
dedication that the task requires. (Applause.) The obligations -- the obligations that the
parties have agreed to under the road map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for
them -- and all of us -- to live up to our responsibilities.
Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong
and it does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the
whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full
and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center
of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to
South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that
violence is a dead end. It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at
sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That's not how moral authority is
claimed; that's how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian
Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its
people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to
recognize they have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to
unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past
agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist.
At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be
denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of
continued Israeli settlements. (Applause.) This construction violates previous
agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to
stop. (Applause.)
And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work
and develop their society. Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing
humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing
lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people
must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable
such progress.
And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an
important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict
should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems.
Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the
institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose
progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.
America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public
what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. (Applause.) We cannot
impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away.
Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act
on what everyone knows to be true.
Too many tears have been shed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a
responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see
their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the
place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home
for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to
mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra -- (applause) -- as in the story of Isra,
when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer. (Applause.)
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of
nations on nuclear weapons.
This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic
Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my
country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold
War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian
government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostagetaking
and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather
than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my
country is prepared to move forward. The question now is not what Iran is against, but
rather what future it wants to build.
I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with
courage, rectitude, and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two
countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of
mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons,
we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It's about
preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the
world down a hugely dangerous path.
I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No
single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons. And that's
why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations
hold nuclear weapons. (Applause.) And any nation -- including Iran -- should have the
right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the
nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it
must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region
can share in this goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy. (Applause.)
I know -- I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent
years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear:
No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other.
That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the
people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions
of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as
we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an
unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind
and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal
administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the
people; the freedom to live as you choose. These are not just American ideas; they are
human rights. And that is why we will support them everywhere. (Applause.)
Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear:
Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure.
Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of
all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree
with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments -- provided they
govern with respect for all their people.
This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only
when they're out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of
others. (Applause.) So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by
the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your
power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and
participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your
people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without
these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. (Applause.) The fifth issue that we must address
together is religious freedom.
Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and
Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout
Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we
need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based
upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul. This tolerance is essential for
religion to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways.
Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the
rejection of somebody else's faith. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld --
whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. (Applause.) And if we are
being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions
between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.
Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always
examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on
charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation.
That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can
fulfill zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from
practicing religion as they see fit -- for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim
woman should wear. We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence
of liberalism.
In fact, faith should bring us together. And that's why we're forging service projects in
America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That's why we welcome
efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in
the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith
service, so bridges between peoples lead to action -- whether it is combating malaria in
Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.
The sixth issue -- the sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights. (Applause.) I
know –- I know -- and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about
this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her
hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is
denied equality. (Applause.) And it is no coincidence that countries where women are
well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.
Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for
Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim-majority
countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues
in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.
I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons.
(Applause.) Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity -- men
and women -- to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the
same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live
their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. And that is why the United
States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for
girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps
people live their dreams. (Applause.)
Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.
I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and
television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and
mindless violence into the home. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also
huge disruptions and change in communities. In all nations -- including America -- this
change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we lose control over our economic
choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities -- those things we most cherish
about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradictions
between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their
economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the
astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In
ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of
innovation and education.
And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what
comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work.
Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are
beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that
education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century -- (applause) -- and in too many Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in these areas. I'm
emphasizing such investment within my own country. And while America in the past has
focused on oil and gas when it comes to this part of the world, we now seek a broader
engagement.
On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America. (Applause.) At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a young person in Kansas can
communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.
On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner
with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on
Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.
On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological
development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs. We'll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, grow new crops. Today I'm announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.
All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek -- a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together.
I know there are many -- Muslim and non-Muslim -- who question whether we can forge
this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort -- that we are fated to
disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There's so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the
years. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I
want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country -- you, more than anyone, have the ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world.
All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we
spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an
effort -- a sustained effort -- to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.
It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's easier to blame others than to look inward.
It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion -- that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.
(Applause.) This truth transcends nations and peoples -- a belief that isn't new; that isn't
black or white or brown; that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.
The Holy Koran tells us: "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we
have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another."
The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."
The Holy Bible tells us: "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." (Applause.)
The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now
that must be our work here on Earth.
Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. Thank you very much. Thank you.
(Applause.)
ON A NEW BEGINNING
Cairo University
Cairo, Egypt
June 4, 2009
1:10 P.M. (Local)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you very much. Good afternoon. I am honored
to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning; and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum. (Applause.)
We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the
world -- tension rooted historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and
cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.
Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of
Muslims. The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these
extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view
Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.
So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who
sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.
I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims
around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon
the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition.
Instead, they overlap, and share common principles -- principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.
I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. I know there's been a lot of
publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." (Applause.) That is what I will try to do today -- to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.
Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I'm a Christian, but my
father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I
spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and
at the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many
found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.
As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam -- at places like Al-Azhar -- that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities -- (applause) -- it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality. (Applause.)
I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to
recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers -- Thomas Jefferson -- kept in his personal library. (Applause.)
So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and
Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my
responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear. (Applause.)
But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. (Applause.) Just
as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a selfinterested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words -- within our borders, and around the world.
We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a
simple concept: E pluribus unum -- "Out of many, one."
Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name Barack
Hussein Obama could be elected President. (Applause.) But my personal story is not so
unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in
America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores -- and that includes nearly
7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and
educational levels that are higher than the American average. (Applause.)
Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion.
That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within
our borders. That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the
right of women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny it.
(Applause.)
So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds
within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share
common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with
dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share.
This is the hope of all humanity.
Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words
alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly
in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our
failure to meet them will hurt us all.
For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one
country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are
at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all
nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are
endangered across an ocean. When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that
is a stain on our collective conscience. (Applause.) That is what it means to share this
world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human
beings.
And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a
record of nations and tribes -- and, yes, religions -- subjugating one another in pursuit of
their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our
interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over
another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners
to it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; our progress must be shared.
(Applause.)
Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the
opposite: We must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as
clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally
confront together.
The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.
In Ankara, I made clear that America is not -- and never will be -- at war with Islam.
(Applause.) We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave
threat to our security -- because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject:
the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to
protect the American people.
The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work
together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with
broad international support. We did not go by choice; we went because of necessity. I'm
aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11. But
let us be clear: Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were
innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done
nothing to harm anybody. And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people,
claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive
scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These
are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.
Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We see no
military -- we seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young
men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would
gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were
not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many
Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.
And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries. And despite the costs
involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate
these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of
different faiths -- but more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are
irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam.
The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as -- it is as if he has killed all
mankind. (Applause.) And the Holy Koran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if
he has saved all mankind. (Applause.) The enduring faith of over a billion people is so
much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in
combating violent extremism -- it is an important part of promoting peace.
Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in
Afghanistan and Pakistan. That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the
next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and
businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced. That's why we
are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver
services that people depend on.
Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that
provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that
the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also
believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build
international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. (Applause.) Indeed,
we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will
grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be."
Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future -- and to
leave Iraq to Iraqis. And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people -- (applause) -- I have
made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory
or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. And that's why I ordered the removal of our
combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's
democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July,
and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012. (Applause.) We will help Iraq train
its security forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq
as a partner, and never as a patron.
And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never
alter or forget our principles. Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country. The
fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act
contrary to our traditions and our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change
course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I
have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year. (Applause.)
So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law.
And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened.
The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the
sooner we will all be safer.
The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between
Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.
America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based
upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish
homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.
Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in
Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald,
which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and
gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed -- more than the entire
Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is
hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction -- or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews --
is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of
memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people -- Muslims and
Christians -- have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than 60 years they've
endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza,
and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to
lead. They endure the daily humiliations -- large and small -- that come with occupation.
So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. And
America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity,
opportunity, and a state of their own. (Applause.)
For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations,
each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It's easy to point fingers --
for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for
Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its
borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other,
then we will be blind to the truth: The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides
to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and
security. (Applause.)
That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest.
And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and
dedication that the task requires. (Applause.) The obligations -- the obligations that the
parties have agreed to under the road map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for
them -- and all of us -- to live up to our responsibilities.
Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong
and it does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the
whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full
and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center
of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to
South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that
violence is a dead end. It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at
sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That's not how moral authority is
claimed; that's how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian
Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its
people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to
recognize they have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to
unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past
agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist.
At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be
denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of
continued Israeli settlements. (Applause.) This construction violates previous
agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to
stop. (Applause.)
And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work
and develop their society. Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing
humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing
lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people
must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable
such progress.
And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an
important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict
should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems.
Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the
institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose
progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.
America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public
what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. (Applause.) We cannot
impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away.
Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act
on what everyone knows to be true.
Too many tears have been shed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a
responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see
their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the
place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home
for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to
mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra -- (applause) -- as in the story of Isra,
when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer. (Applause.)
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of
nations on nuclear weapons.
This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic
Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my
country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold
War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian
government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostagetaking
and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather
than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my
country is prepared to move forward. The question now is not what Iran is against, but
rather what future it wants to build.
I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with
courage, rectitude, and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two
countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of
mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons,
we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It's about
preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the
world down a hugely dangerous path.
I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No
single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons. And that's
why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations
hold nuclear weapons. (Applause.) And any nation -- including Iran -- should have the
right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the
nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it
must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region
can share in this goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy. (Applause.)
I know -- I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent
years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear:
No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other.
That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the
people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions
of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as
we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an
unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind
and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal
administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the
people; the freedom to live as you choose. These are not just American ideas; they are
human rights. And that is why we will support them everywhere. (Applause.)
Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear:
Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure.
Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of
all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree
with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments -- provided they
govern with respect for all their people.
This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only
when they're out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of
others. (Applause.) So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by
the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your
power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and
participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your
people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without
these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.
AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. (Applause.) The fifth issue that we must address
together is religious freedom.
Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and
Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout
Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we
need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based
upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul. This tolerance is essential for
religion to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways.
Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the
rejection of somebody else's faith. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld --
whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. (Applause.) And if we are
being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions
between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.
Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always
examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on
charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation.
That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can
fulfill zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from
practicing religion as they see fit -- for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim
woman should wear. We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence
of liberalism.
In fact, faith should bring us together. And that's why we're forging service projects in
America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That's why we welcome
efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in
the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith
service, so bridges between peoples lead to action -- whether it is combating malaria in
Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.
The sixth issue -- the sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights. (Applause.) I
know –- I know -- and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about
this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her
hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is
denied equality. (Applause.) And it is no coincidence that countries where women are
well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.
Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for
Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim-majority
countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues
in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.
I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons.
(Applause.) Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity -- men
and women -- to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the
same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live
their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. And that is why the United
States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for
girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps
people live their dreams. (Applause.)
Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.
I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and
television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and
mindless violence into the home. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also
huge disruptions and change in communities. In all nations -- including America -- this
change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we lose control over our economic
choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities -- those things we most cherish
about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradictions
between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their
economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the
astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In
ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of
innovation and education.
And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what
comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work.
Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are
beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that
education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century -- (applause) -- and in too many Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in these areas. I'm
emphasizing such investment within my own country. And while America in the past has
focused on oil and gas when it comes to this part of the world, we now seek a broader
engagement.
On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America. (Applause.) At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a young person in Kansas can
communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.
On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner
with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on
Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.
On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological
development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs. We'll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, grow new crops. Today I'm announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.
All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek -- a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together.
I know there are many -- Muslim and non-Muslim -- who question whether we can forge
this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort -- that we are fated to
disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There's so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the
years. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I
want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country -- you, more than anyone, have the ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world.
All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we
spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an
effort -- a sustained effort -- to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.
It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's easier to blame others than to look inward.
It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion -- that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.
(Applause.) This truth transcends nations and peoples -- a belief that isn't new; that isn't
black or white or brown; that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.
The Holy Koran tells us: "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we
have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another."
The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."
The Holy Bible tells us: "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." (Applause.)
The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now
that must be our work here on Earth.
Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. Thank you very much. Thank you.
(Applause.)
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